Abstract
The emphasis in this book is on external third-party involvement in the Sri Lankan conflict and how this played out vis-à-vis the warring parties. The different natures of the external actors involved throughout the country’s conflict defined the type of influence they had over the parties. Arthur C. Clarke, a world-renowned writer living in Sri Lanka, did not envisage the need for outside involvement for his country of adoption to ‘return to normalcy’ and for the ‘grounds for conflict’ to be eliminated forever.
For material progress and economic growth would come to nothing if we allow the primitive forces of territoriality and aggression to rule our minds … I am optimistic that the land that has shown tremendous resilience over the centuries and practiced a rare type of tolerance could still return to normalcy — although we should ensure that grounds for conflict are eliminated forever.1
Sri Lanka, then called Ceylon, was under British colonial rule till 1948; thereafter the regional power, India, and most recently non-regional actors became officially involved in the island’s conflict, which was internationalized from its inception. India has been a permanent factor in the Sri Lankan conflict, both in its role as regional power and based on its ethnic links with the island nation: a spillover effect has been one of New Delhi’s concerns ever since, as noted in Chapter 2. A distinction is made here between the historical internationalization of the conflict and targeted external engagement in Sri Lanka’s successive conflict resolution initiatives: however, these are interdependent and evolved in tandem with the dynamics of the conflict.
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Notes
Interview given by Sir Arthur C. Clarke to the Sunday Observer Magazine, The Sunday Observer, 14 December 1997.
D. Sriskandarajah (2006) ‘Development, Inequality and Conflict in Multiethnic Developing Countries’, Oxford University; B. Harff and T. Gurr (2004) Ethnic Conflict in World Politics (Oxford: Westview), p. 97.
B. Buzan (1998) ‘Conclusions: System versus Units of Theorising about the Third World’ in S. Neuman (ed.) International Relations Theory and the Third World (New York: St. Martin’s Press), p. 220
R. Jackson (1990) Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 21; Kolsto (2006). Domestic sovereignty refers to the social contract which, when questioned, implies that political communities are excluded from the idea of the state. For a state to be legitimate, it further needs to have a physical basis and an institutional expression. See Holsti (1996: 83).
J. Spencer (ed.) (1990) Sri Lanka: History and the Roots of Conflict (London: Routledge), p. 3.
N. DeVotta (2004) Blowback: Linguistic Nationalism, Institutional Decay, and Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press), p. 5.
N. Wickramasinghe (2006) Sri Lanka in the Modern Age: A History of Contested Identities (London: Hurst), p. 150.
Sarvananthan further highlights how G. G. Ponnambalam demanded 50:50 representation for both major communities of Sri Lanka (Sinhalese and Tamils) when the Tamils made up only 20 per cent of the population at the time. M. Sarvananthan (2007a) ‘In Pursuit of a Mythical State of Tamil Eelam: a Rejoinder to Kristian Stokke’, Third World Quarterly, 28 (6): 1185–1195.
DeVotta (2004: 225) defines ‘ethnic outbidding’ as ‘the auction-like process whereby politicians create platforms and programs to ‘outbid’ their opponents on the anti-minority stance adopted’. As argued by Yiftachel and Ghanem, the Sri Lankan state fits into the description of an ‘open ethnocracy’, upholding formal democratic mechanisms, although facilitating undemocratic expansion of the dominant ethno-nation. O. Yiftachel and A. Ghanem (2004) ‘Understanding “Ethnocratic” Regimes: the Politics of Seizing Contested Territories’, Political Geography, 23: 647–676.
For more on horizontal inequalities see F. Stewart (2001) ‘Horizontal Inequalities: A Neglected Dimension of Development’, Working Paper 1, Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity, CRISE, Oxford: Queen Elizabeth House, University of Oxford.
K. M. de Silva (2005) A History of Sri Lanka (New Delhi: Penguin Books), p. 633.
S. Bose (1994) States, Nations, Sovereignty: Sri Lanka, India, and the Tamil Eelam Movement (New Delhi: Sage Publications), p. 207.
S. J. Tambiah (1986) Sri Lanka: Ethnic Fratricide and the Dismantling of Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), pp. 47–75.
Major anti-Tamil riots spread throughout the island during May–June 1958. According to Bhasin, hundreds of Tamils were killed and rendered homeless. A. S. Bhasin (2004) India in Sri Lanka: between the Lion and the Tigers (New Delhi: Manas Publications), p. 33.
E. Nissan and R. L. Stirrat (1990) ‘The Generation of Communal Identities’ in J. Spencer (ed.) Sri Lanka: History and the Roots of Conflict (London: Routledge), p. 36.
The JVP was dominated by unemployed educated youths who rose against unemployment and rising prices as well as against the government’s politics of exclusion. For more, see de Silva (2005: 664); K. Bush (2003) The Intra-Group Dimensions of Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: Learning to Read between the Lines (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan), p. 99.
P. S. Ghosh (2003) Ethnicity versus Nationalism: The Devolution Discourse in Sri Lanka (New Delhi: Sage Publications), p. 95.
Geertz (1963: 110); Huntington (1996: 126); Kaplan (1994a: 25, 35; 1994b) are supporters of this view. C. Geertz (1963) Old Societies and New States: The Quest for Modernity in Asia and Africa (New Delhi: Amerind), p. 110
S. P. Huntington (1996) The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order (New York: Simon and Schuster), p. 126
R. D. Kaplan (1994a) Balkan Ghosts: A Journey through History (London: Papermac), pp. 25, 35
R. D. Kaplan (1994b) ‘The Coming Anarchy: How Scarcity, Crime, Overpopulation, and Disease Are Destroying the Social Fabric of Our Planet’, Atlantic Monthly, 273 (2): 44–77.
Byman (2002: 100); Grenier (1996); Harff and Gurr (2004: 5); Horowitz (2000: 294); Kalyvas (2006: 6); Richards (2005: 6); Snyder (2000: 31) are in favour of this. D. L. Byman (2002) Keeping the Peace: Lasting Solutions to Ethnic Conflicts (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press)
Y. Grenier (1996) ‘From Causes to Causers: the Etiology of Salvadoran Internal War Revisited’, Journal of Conflict Studies, 16 (2): 26–43
D. Horowitz (2000) Ethnic Groups in Conflict (London: University of California Press)
S. Kalyvas (2006) The Logic of Violence in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press)
P. Richards (2005) No Peace, No War: An Anthropology of Contemporary Armed Conflicts (Ohio: Ohio University Press)
J. Snyder (2000) From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict (London: Norton).
L. H. Malkki (1995) Purity and Exile: Violence, Memory and National Cosmology among Hutu Refugees in Tanzania (London: University of Chicago Press), p. 1.
Bose (1994: 22–23); Bush (2003: 8); K. Jayawardena (2003) Ethnic and Class Conflict in Sri Lanka: The Emergence of Sinhala-Buddhist Consciousness 1883–1983 (Colombo: Sanjiva Books), p. 71
D. Sriskandarajah (2005) ‘Socio-economic Inequality and Ethno-political Conflict: some Observations from Sri Lanka’, Contemporary South Asia, 14 (3): 341–356.
J. Uyangoda (1999) ‘A Political Culture of Conflict’ in R. I. Rotberg (ed.) Creating Peace in Sri Lanka: Civil War and Reconciliation (Cambridge, MA: World Peace Foundation and the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs), p. 163.
In the Sri Lankan case, this is to be traced back to Duttagemunu’s discourse and the historical sequence of threats to Buddhism and the Sinhalese nation, which ranged from Tamil invasions from South India to later Christian colonialists. G. Frerks and B. Klem (2005) ‘Sri Lankan Discourses on Peace and Conflict’ in G. Frerks and B. Klem (eds) Dealing with Diversity: Sri Lankan Discourses on Peace and Conflict (Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, The Hague), p. 31. For more on selective pluralism see reference to Rao (2010) in Chapter 2.
E. V. Daniel (1996) Charred Lullabies: Chapters in an Anthropology of Violence (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press), p. 16; DeVotta (2004: 8).
R. Latham (2000) ‘Social Sovereignty’, Theory, Culture & Society, 17 (4): 1–18 and Nordstrom (2000).
Bose (1994: 14)and P. Saravanamuttu (2006) ‘Pitfalls and Possibilities’ in B. Raman, N. Sathiya Moorthy and K. Chittaranjan (eds) Sri Lanka: Peace without Process (New Delhi: Samskriti), p. 26. As highlighted by Bose (1994: 34–35), the Tamil Tiger Movement’s ideology originally claimed to be based on Lenin’s theory of self-determination. However, Lenin’s thesis of national self-determination presents an internationalist approach to the national question. In contrast, the LTTE seeks the social programme as subordinate to the broader goal of ‘national liberation’: the real goal of LTTE’s politics is a sovereign Republic of Tamil Eelam.
See Berdal and Malone (2000: 19); Collier (2007: 19–20); Kaldor (2001: 116); Keen (1997: 23) for more on the greed versus grievance debate. Many Tamil intellectuals and political leaders in Sri Lanka have expressed this view, and many of them were killed for doing so, increasingly so during the latter stages of the armed conflict. M. Berdal and D. M. Malone (2000) (eds) Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers).
Beardsley and McQuinn (2009); Sarvananthan (2007b). M. Sarvananthan (2007b) ‘In Pursuit of a Mythical State of Tamil Eelam: a Rejoinder to Kristian Stokke — A Long Distance Propagandist’, PPID Working Paper Series, Point Pedro, Sri Lanka: Point Pedro Institute of Development.
Initially the rebels aimed to run a parallel administration on the Jaffna Peninsula. See N. Ram’s first interview with Prabhakaran titled ‘Part I — The View from the Tigers’, September 1986, The Hindu, available at: www.hindu.com/nic/prabakaran-interview.htm, date accessed 19 May 2009. For a detailed account of the evolution of so-called parallel governments from 1982 until 2009 see D. Somasundaram (2010) ‘Parallel Governments: Living Between Terror and Counter Terror in Northern Lanka (1982–2009)’, Journal of Asian and African Studies, 45 (5): 568–583.
See Athas, ‘Fighting Planned in LTTE’s “Year of War”’, 8 January 2000. For a detailed account on the LTTE interim administration see K. Stokke (2006) ‘Building the Tamil Eelam State: Emerging State Institutions and Forms of Governance in LTTE-Controlled Areas in Sri Lanka’, Third World Quarterly, 27 (6): 1021–1040. For a rigorous critique of the latter see Sarvananthan (2007a).
This was clearly articulated in a press release issued by Indian Ministry of External Affairs on 31 August 1985. L. Ketheshwaran (2006) ‘Indo-Sri Lanka Accord and the Ethnic Question: Lessons and Experiences’ in K. Rupesinghe (ed.) Negotiating Peace in Sri Lanka: Efforts, Failures & Lessons, Vol. 1 (Colombo: Foundation for Co-Existence).
A. Balasingham (2004) War and Peace: Armed Struggle and Peace Efforts of Liberation Tigers (Surrey: Fairmax Publishing), p. 94.
In doing so, it also gave unwanted orders to Sri Lankans on the use of their own airspace and undertaking of military operations. Austin Fernando provides first-hand evidence as secretary of the Ministry of Rehabilitation at the time. A. Fernando (2008) My Belly Is White (Colombo: Vijitha Yapa Publications), p. 25.
N. Sathiyamoorthy (2008) India, Sri Lanka and the Ethnic War (New Delhi: Observer Research Foundation), p. 127.
S. Hopgood (2005) ‘Tamil Tigers, 1987–2002’ in D. Gambetta (ed.) Making Sense of Suicide Missions (Oxford: Oxford University Press), p. 57; Bhasin (2004: 260) seconds this by noting that ‘the LTTE had perceived Gandhi to be the main hurdle in its struggle for Eelam’.
D. Hellmann-Rajanayagam (1994) The Tamil Tigers: Armed Struggle for Identity (Stuttgart: F. Steiner), p. 118.
This was a common observation among interviewees. See transcript of the agreement in P. Rajanayagam (2006) ‘Govt.-LTTE Negotiations 1994/1995: Another Lost Opportunity’ in K. Rupesinghe (ed.) Negotiating Peace in Sri Lanka: Efforts, Failures & Lessons, Vol. 1 (Colombo: Foundation for Co-Existence), p. 177.
J. Perera (2006) ‘An Analysis of the Breakdown in Negotiations in the Sri Lankan Ethnic Conflict’ in K. Rupesinghe (ed.) Negotiating Peace in Sri Lanka: Efforts, Failures & Lessons, Vol. 1 (Colombo: Foundation for Co-Existence), p. 222.
J. Uyangoda (2006) ‘Government-LTTE Negotiation Attempt of 2000 through Norwegian Facilitation: Context, Complexities and Lessons’ in K. Rupesinghe (ed.) Negotiating Peace in Sri Lanka: Efforts, Failures & Lessons, Vol. 1 (Colombo: Foundation for Co-Existence), p. 253.
For more, see Bhasin (2004: 300) and the statement made by Prabhakaran during an interview with the BBC in September 1991 after the IPKF withdrawal in T. Abraham (2006) ‘The Emergence of the LTTE and the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement of 1987’ in K. Rupesinghe (ed.) Negotiating Peace in Sri Lanka: Efforts, Failures & Lessons, Vol. 1 (Colombo: Foundation for Co-Existence), pp. 19–20.
S. Kelegama (2006) ‘Transforming Conflict with an Economic Dividend: The Sri Lankan Experience’ in K. Rupesinghe (ed.) Negotiating Peace in Sri Lanka: Efforts, Failures & Lessons, Volume Two (Colombo: Foundation for Co-Existence), pp. 222–223. See Kelegama (2006: 223) for details on PA government strategy from 2000 to 2001.
G. de Silva (2009) ‘A Military Perspective’ in S. I. Keethaponcalan and R. Jayawardana (eds) Sri Lanka: Perspectives on the Ceasefire Agreement of 2002 (Colombo: South Asia Peace Initiative [SAPI]), p. 164.
B. A. B. Goonetilleke (2009) ‘An Insider’s Views on the Process Leading to the CFA’ in S. I. Keethaponcalan and R. Jayawardana (eds) Sri Lanka: Perspectives on the Ceasefire Agreement of 2002 (Colombo: South Asia Peace Initiative [SAPI]), p. 14.
See Fernando (2008) and J. Gooneratne (2007) Negotiating with the Tigers (LTTE) (2002–2005): A View from the Second Row (Colombo: Stamford Lake [Pvt] Ltd) for a detailed account of key articles within the CFA, which were to become most problematic. See also Kadirgamar’s speech in parliament from 8 May 2003 in Hansard, 48(4): 722–730.
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© 2014 Amaia Sánchez-Cacicedo
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Sánchez-Cacicedo, A. (2014). Evolution of the Sri Lankan Conflict Up to 2002. In: Building States, Building Peace. Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137274168_3
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