Abstract
After the shocking events of the long, hot summer of 1967, Martin Luther King, Jr, was ready to contemplate drastic action. Hope was receding, he argued, in a paper he would more or less repeat in person before the Kerner Commission in October. It had been increasingly apparent to him that the White House had fallen out of love with the Great Society. Congressional conservatives, in the ascendancy, seemed resolved to stonewall the war on poverty. The riots were a “display [of] the utter desperation that has engulfed many Negroes” as a result. Yet, the answer to America’s predicament could not be armed insurrection, he insisted: that was “doomed to failure”; it was an idea that was “mere posturing and recklessness” and, he thought, even if it could ever be justified, it lacked broad support. But the way out of the impasse King favored seemed hardly less militant. In desperate times, what was needed was a massive campaign of civil disobedience, a nonviolent version of a long, hot summer riot, something that would “have earthquake proportions.” He envisaged a chain of “aggressive but non-violent” demonstrations in 1968. The ambition of this plan was to “dislocate the functioning of a city without destroying it.” The epicenter of that earthquake was to be Washington, DC.1
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Notes
“Crisis in America’s Cities,” SCLC address, August 15, 1967, WHCF, Ex-HU2, box 7 (4: 0711, WHCF microfilm, Part 1). For context, Gerald McKnight, The Last Crusade: Martin Luther King, Jr., the FBI, and the Poor People’s Campaign (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1998), 20, 21–25.
Tom Wicker, “Johnson Urges Congress at Joint Session to Pass Law Insuring Nero Vote,” New York Times, March 16, 1965, 1 (http://www.nytimes.com, August 26, 2013). Public Papers of the President of the United States: Lyndon B. Johnson, 1965, book 1 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1966), 281–287.
Michael W. Flamm, Law and Order: Street Crime, Civil Unrest, and the Crisis of Liberalism in the 1960s (New York: Columbia UP, 2005), 9, 36–37, 162–168.
Harry McPherson, A Political Education: A Washington Memoir (Austin, TX: U Texas P, 1995 (originally 1972)), 378–379.
Richard Scammon and Ben J. Wattenberg, The Real Majority (New York: Coward-McCann, 1970), 275–276, 279–305.
Joseph A. Califano, The Triumph and Tragedy of Lyndon Johnson: The White House Years (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1991), 186.
Fred R. Harris, Alarms and Hopes: A Personal Journey, a Personal View (New York: Harper and Row, 1968), 120, 140.
Radley Balko, Overkill: The Rise of Paramilitary Police Raids in America (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2006), 6 (http://www.cato.org, August 2, 2013).
Paul Gilje, Rioting in America (Bloomington, IN: Indiana UP, 1999).
Clark Interview I V, 6. Military plans for the suppression of domestic insurrection acquired the code name Operation Garden Plot: this “hoary but still viable 1960s plan for a law-and-order Armageddon,” as Mike Davis put it, became almost legendary. See Davis’s City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles (New Edition. London and New York: Verso, 2006), 223.
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© 2014 Malcolm McLaughlin
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McLaughlin, M. (2014). The City of Hope. In: The Long, Hot Summer of 1967. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137269638_8
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