Abstract
In 1922, children of the recently deceased former Chair of the Second Anatomical Department in Vienna, Carl Toldt, published their father’s autobiography. In the preface, they described him as a ‘German-feeling and freedom-loving man’ ( deutschfühlender und freiheitsliebender Mann ) as well as ‘a true Tyrolean’ ( ein echter Tiroler ). 1 Indeed, hardly any obituary of Toldt failed to mention his affection for the German nation and his Tyrolean homeland – often linking them to his attachment to German science. 2 In contrast, around 1910 obituaries for Emil Zuckerkandl, Toldt’s contemporary and Chair of the First Anatomical Department, said little about Zuckerkandl’s place of birth and national politics. The obituarists portrayed him as a successor to an older tradition, founded by Joseph Hyrtl, which saw anatomy as the basis of and contributor to clinical knowledge. 3 In this article, I take these views seriously. 4 I demonstrate the differences between two anatomical disciplinary orientations practised in fin-de-siècle Vienna and their close links with the political views and social networks with which the two anatomists allied themselves. I show how anatomical divergences can be understood only if we place them back into the context of contemporary Austrian politics and society, and of the growing middle-class rift along ethnic and religious lines.
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Notes
Carl Toldt (1922) Autobiographie (Vienna: Urban & Schwarzenberg), 45.
See Ferdinand Hochstetter (1921) Bericht über die Rektors-Inauguration der Wiener Universität (Vienna: Universität Wien)
Rudolf Pöch (1920) ‘Karl Toldt’, Wiener Klinische Wochenschrift , 33
idem (1921) ‘Carl Toldt (gestorben am 13. November 1920)’, Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien , 51, 77−93
Siegmund von Schumacher (1921) ‘Carl Toldt †’, Anatomischer Anzeiger , 54, 82–91.
He also received a long and affectionate obituary in a local Tyrolean journal: Raimund von Klebelsberg (1921) ‘Carl Toldt. † am 13. November 1920’, Der Schlern: Südtiroler Halbmonatsschrift für Heimatkunde und Heimatpflege , 2/2, 25–33.
Carl Toldt (1911) ‘Emil Zuckerkandl’, Almanach der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften , 61, 364–71.
Julius Tandler (1910) ‘Emil Zuckerkandl’, Wiener Klinische Wochenschrift , 23, 798–800; idem (1910) ‘Emil Zuckerkandl’, Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift , 60, 1360–62
Julius Tandler (1910) ‘Emil Zuckerkandl’, Anatomischer Anzeiger , 37, 86–96.
Obituaries and eulogies have long been used in historical research, but in recent decades they have been reappraised by historians interested in the relationship between history and memory, in particular in the construction of collective memory. For collective memory and science, see Pnina Abir-Am (1999) ‘Introduction’, in idem (ed.) Commemorative Practices in Science: Historical Perspectives on the Politics of Collective Memory , Osiris , 2nd Series, 14, 1–33.
The names referred to the river Leitha/Lajta/Litava, which until 1921 marked the border between Austria and Hungary. For overviews of Austrian politics in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries see Erich Zöllner (1979 [1961]) Geschichte Österreichs: von Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Munich: Oldenbourg)
Alan J.P. Taylor (1981 [1941]) The Habsburg Monarchy 1809−1918: A History of the Austrian Empire and Austria-Hungary (Harmondsworth: Penguin)
Helmut Rumpler (1997) Eine Chance für Mitteleuropa: bürgerliche Emanzipation und Staatsverfall in der Habsburgermonarchie (Vienna: Ueberreuter).
On student associations see Michael Gehler (1994) ‘Männer im Lebensbund. Studentenvereine im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der österreichischen Entwicklung’, Zeitgeschichte , 21, 45–66.
Carl Schorske (1998) Thinking with History: Explorations in the Passage to Modernism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press), 142.
Gary Cohen (1996) Education and Middle-class Society in Imperial Austria 1848–1918 (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press), 237–40.
Cohen, Education and Middle-class Society in Imperial Austria , 47. See also, on medical professors, (1861) ‘Miscellen’, Vierteljahrschrift für die practische Heilkunde , 18/2, 1.
This topic filled the pages of the Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift , Medizinische Presse and daily papers around 1880. See, for example (1881), ‘Die Czechisirung der Prager Universität’, Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift , 31/15, 425–26.
See Erna Lesky (1965) Die Wiener Medizinische Schule im 19. Jahrhundert (Vienna: Böhlau).
Theodor Billroth (1876) Über das Lehren und Lernen der medizinischen Wissenschaften an den Universitäten der deutschen Nation nebst allgemeinen Bemerkungen über Universitäten: eine culturhistorische Studie (Vienna: Carl Gerolds Sohn).
On Billroth’s politics, its origins and how these played out in the Viennese context, see Felicitas Seebacher (2006) ‘“Der operierte Chirurg”: Theodor Billroths Deutschnationalismus und akademischer Antisemitismus’, Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft , 54, 317–38.
Johann Freiherr von Dumreicher (1878) Über die Nothwendigkeit von Reformen des Unterrichtes an den medicinischen Facultäten Österreichs (Vienna: Alfred Holder)
Tatjana Buklijas (2007) ‘Surgery and national identity in late nineteenth-century Vienna’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences , 38, 756–74.
Anatomy acts were legislative documents that regulated the supply of cadavers to anatomical institutes. While prior to ca. 1800 most cadavers came from executed prisoners, these new acts named hospitals and welfare institutions as the chief and often sole sources. Ruth Richardson (2001) Death, Dissection and the Destitute , 2nd ed. with a new afterword (London: Phoenix Press)
Michael Sappol (2002) A Traffic of Dead Bodies: Anatomy and Embodied Social Identity in Nineteenth-century America (Princeton: Princeton University Press)
Helen MacDonald (2006) Human Remains: Dissection and its Histories (New Haven: Yale University Press).
Adrian Desmond (1989) The Politics of Evolution: Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
There is much literature on the history of anthropology but hardly anything substantial that explores the relationship between anatomy and anthropology. The new project on ‘Anatomies of Empire: race, evolution, and scientific networks in the twentieth-century British world’, funded by the Australian Research Council, promises to remedy this omission at least for the British Empire. On anthropology in the Austro-Hungarian Empire see Brigitte Fuchs (2003) ‘Rasse’, ‘Volk’, Geschlecht: Anthropologische Diskurse in Österreich (Frankfurt: Campus)
Emese Lafferton (2007) ‘The Magyar moustache: the faces of Hungarian state formation, 1867–1918’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences , 38, 706–32.
Tatjana Buklijas (2008) ‘Cultures of death and politics of corpse supply: anatomy in Vienna, 1848−1914’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine , 82, 570−607.
Lynn Nyhart (1995) Biology Takes Form: Animal Morphology and the German Universities, 1800−1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
Jonathan Harwood (1993) Styles of Scientific Thought: the German Genetics Community, 1900−1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
Fritz Ringer (1969) The Decline of the German Mandarins. The German Academic Community, 1890−1933 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press).
Carl Schorske (1979) Fin-de-siècle Vienna: Politics and Culture (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson).
Pieter M. Judson (1996) Exclusive Revolutionaries: Liberal Politics, Social Experience, and National Identity in the Austrian Empire, 1848−1914 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press)
Steven Beller (ed.) (2001) Rethinking Vienna 1900 (New York: Berghahn Books).
Steven Beller (1989) Vienna and the Jews, 1867–1938: a Cultural History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Deborah R. Coen (2007) Vienna in the Age of Uncertainty: Science, Liberalism and Private Life (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
On this important distinction see also Johannes Feichtinger, ‘“Staatsnation”, “Kulturnation”, “Nationalstaat”. The role of national politics in the advance of science and scholarship in Austria from 1848 to 1938’, in this volume.
On professorial appointments in the Vormärz see Irene Montjoye (ed.) (1989) Oscar Wildes Vater über Metternichs Österreich: William Wilde – ein irischer Augenarzt über Biedermeier und Vormärz in Wien , Studien zur Geschichte Südosteuropas (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang).
On the politics of the Viennese medical professoriate concerning university appointments (focusing on Polish candidates) see Marja Wakounig (1993) ‘Wissenschaft und Karriere? Polnische Mediziner an der Wiener Uni zwischen 1870 und 1914’, in Walter Leitsch and Stanisław Trawkowski (eds.) Wiener Archiv für Geschichte des Slaventums und Osteuropas Bd. 16. Polen im alten Österreich. Kultur und Politik (Vienna: Böhlau), 107−15.
The inability to offer comparable salaries played a crucial role in the rejection of German professors, as shown in Jan Surman (2008) ‘Supranational? Die habsburgischen Universitäten im Spannungsfeld zwischen “république des lettres” und “république des nations”’, in Alexandra Millner, Helga Mitterbauer and Katharina Scherke (eds.) Moderne. Kulturwissenschaftliches Jahrbuch , Themenschwerpunkt Migration (Innsbruck: Studienverlag), 213–24. Nonetheless, the University of Vienna could occasionally step up and put together an attractive offer. For instance, after Billroth’s death, in 1894, Vincenz Czerny, a former student of Billroth and a Heidelberg professor, was offered a 5000-florin salary, the title of Hofrat , a new building for the Second Surgical Department and a minimum of twenty more years in service. In comparison, his Heidelberg salary was 4700 florins while Billroth, just before his death, had been paid 4220 florins per annum. See Buklijas, ‘Surgery and national identity in late nineteenth-century Vienna’, 771.
(1870) ‘Notizen’, Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift , 20, 912.
Lesky, Die Wiener Medizinische Schule , 258–73.
Lesky, Die Wiener Medizinische Schule , 436; Seebacher, ‘“Der operierte Chirurg”: Theodor Billroths Deutschnationalismus und akademischer Antisemitismus’, 318–19.
Anatomy had a single chair until the closure of the military medical anatomy Josephinum in 1870, when its professor, Carl Langer, and its buildings in Sensengasse were transferred to the University as the Second Anatomical Chair. When the Chair of the First Department, Joseph Hyrtl, retired in 1873, Langer moved to the First Department and Christian August Voigt, who had been a professor without an institute since the ‘Polonization’ of the University of Cracow in 1860, was appointed the Chair of the Second Department. After his retirement in 1878, the chair remained vacant as the military authorities re-appropriated the buildings. It was advertised only after the funding for a new anatomical institute had been approved in the early 1880s. For more on anatomy in nineteenth-century Vienna see Tatjana Buklijas (2005) ‘Dissection, discipline and urban transformation: anatomy at the University of Vienna, 1845–1914’ (PhD thesis, University of Cambridge).
Minutes of the committee meeting, ministerial opinion and Albert’s Separatvotum may be found in the Österreichisches Staatsarchiv (ÖStA), Allgemeines Verwaltungsarchiv (AVA), Unterricht: Allgemeine Reihe (1848–1914), Universität Wien, Sig. 4 Med, Professoren, Fasz. 606, Carl Toldt, Z. 4.588 (1884).
Billroth and Brücke probably withdrew because of their failure to get their preferred candidate appointed to the vacated surgical chair; see below.
ÖStA, AVA, Unterricht: Allgemeine Reihe (1848–1914), Universität Wien, Sig. 4 Med, Professoren, Fasz. 606, Carl Toldt, Z. 4.588 (1884).
Albert divided Zuckerkandl’s research into two major groups: 1) anatomical discoveries: corpus callosum of the brain, the vascular network between pulmonary and systemic veins; suprathyroid gland; and 2) issues that he either corrected or explained. In human anatomy, these included the connections between bronchial and pulmonary blood vessels; blood vessels and the biliary tree of the liver; the vestibular aqueduct; the aetiology of skull asymmetry and the anatomy of the ethmoidal region; the fixation of kidneys during development; and the development of external inguinal hernia. In comparative anatomy, the tensor tympani muscle; the morphology of the facial skull; homologies in the growth of jaw bones between anthropoid monkeys and peoples at lower cultural levels; and his major project, the anatomy of the nasal cavity.
ÖStA, AVA, Unterricht: Allgemeine Reihe (1848–1914), Universität Wien, Sig. 4 Med, Professoren, Fasz. 606, Carl Toldt. Z. 4.588 (1884).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Hans-Heinz Eulner (1970) Die Entwicklung der medizinischen Spezialfächer an den Universitäten des deutschen Sprachgebietes (Stuttgart: Enke), 553, 662.
On histology see ÖStA, AVA, Unterricht: Allgemeine Reihe (1848–1914), Universität Wien, Sig 4 Med, Professoren, Fasz. 607, Carl Wedl, Z. 14.770 (1884); also Lesky, Die Wiener Medizinische Schule , 513.
Lesky, Die Wiener Medizinische Schule , 521.
Technically, the first professor of pathological anatomy in German-speaking countries was Johann Lobstein in Strasbourg (1819), but he also taught obstetrics and internal diseases. See Eulner, Die Entwicklung der medizinischen Spezialfächer , 103.
Lesky, Die Wiener Medizinische Schule , 549–50.
Eulner, Die Entwicklung der medizinischen Spezialfächer , 554–55.
Nyhart, Biology Takes Form , 368–69.
Nyhart, Biology Takes Form
Ibid., 226.
The Second Vienna School in medicine was close to the strongly empirical reaction to Naturphilosophie that developed in medical schools in German lands in the 1830s. See Johanna Bleker (1988) ‘Biedermeiermedizin – Medizin der Biedermeier? Tendenzen, Probleme, Widersprüche 1830–1850’, Medizinhistorisches Journal , 23, 5–22.
The support it received in Vienna may be related to the success of positivism in this period. See Johannes Feichtinger (2005) ‘Positivismus und Machtpolitik. Ein wissenschaftliches Programm und dessen Transfer nach Österreich/Zentraleuropa. Zu einem Beispiel von Wissenstransfer’, in Helga Mitterbauer and Katharina Scherke (eds.), Entgrenzte Räume. Kulturelle Transfers um 1900 und in der Gegenwart (Studien zur Moderne 22) (Vienna: Passagen Verlag), 297–319.
For more on Hyrtl’s anatomy and politics, see Buklijas, ‘Dissection, discipline and urban transformation: anatomy at the University of Vienna, 1845–1914’, especially Chapter 3 ‘Conservative anatomy and the Second Vienna School, 1845–70’.
ÖStA, AVA, Unterricht: Allgemeine Reihe (1848–1914), Universität Wien, Sig. 4 Med, Professoren, Fasz. 607, Carl Wedl, Z. 14.770 (1884) and Fasz. 607, Emil Zuckerkandl, Z. 18.821 (1888).
The decisive vote in Albert’s favour was that of Eduard Hofmann, professor of forensic medicine, who submitted a minority vote for Albert. See (1880) ‘Notizen’, Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift , 30, 1407; (1881) ‘Notizen’, Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift , 31, 24.
Lesky, Die Wiener Medizinische Schule , 437, 449–50; Buklijas, ‘Surgery and national identity in late nineteenth-century Vienna’.
Buklijas, ‘Surgery and national identity in late nineteenth-century Vienna’, 770. 56 On Billroth’s recruitment of surgical and research talent among the Viennese studentship, his views on surgical education and the building of a school, see Buklijas, ‘Surgery and national identity in late nineteenth-century Vienna’, 762.
Adolf Lorenz (1936) My Life and Work: the Search for a Missing Glove (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons), 73–74. For more on the comparison between Albert and Billroth as lecturers see Buklijas, ‘Surgery and national identity in late nineteenth-century Vienna’, 768−69.
A question that divided surgeons worldwide in the 1870s was the causation of postoperative fever and the use of antisepsis. Yet it seems that the viewpoint of ‘Austrians’ and ‘Germans’ on this matter depended on their generation rather than on their national politics. Dumreicher was opposed to antisepsis, Billroth at first unconvinced but then converted, and Albert an enthusiastic supporter from the start. See Buklijas, ‘Surgery and national identity in late nineteenth-century Vienna’.
(1881) ‘Zur Besetzungsfrage der Lehrkanzel der pathologischen Anatomie’, Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift , 31, 1158–59.
Felicitas Seebacher (2000) ‘“ Primum humanitas, alterum scientia ”. Die Wiener Medizinische Schule im Spannungsfeld von Wissenschaft und Politik’ (PhD dissertation, Universität Klagenfurt), 363.
But this was not his only attempt. For instance, when the faculty named Hermann Nothnagel, professor of pharmacology and medical polyclinics at Freiburg University, unico loco candidate for the vacated Chair of Internal Medicine, Albert submitted a Separatvotum A Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift journalist wondered about his consistently negative attitude towards German professors. He wrote: ‘Are we at war with Germany, or should not Germany be regarded as the truest ally of Austria? Should not German colleagues be trusted to teach at Austrian universities?’ (1882) Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift , 32, 800–01. Albert generally had a strong opinion on who should be allowed to join the Viennese medical faculty: in 1888, with his friend Stricker, he objected the Habilitation of the Polish-speaking otologist Abraham Eitelberg on the grounds of his supposedly poor German. See Wakounig, ‘Wissenschaft und Kariere? Polnische Mediziner an der Wiener Uni zwischen 1870 und 1914’.
(1888) Wiener Medinizische Wochenschrift , 38, 375–77.
Ibid. The most vocal of Zuckerkandl’s opponents was Heinrich von Bamberger, who had sat on the 1884 appointment committee and voted for Toldt.
(1888) Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift , 38, 88–89, 375–77, 1263–64.
The WMW wrote that Schwalbe was not among the three anatomists considered by the University of Jena following Oskar Hertwig’s departure for Berlin. But Schwalbe had taught in Jena between 1873 and 1881, and then in 1883 moved to the Imperial University of Strassburg (Strasbourg), a new and prestigious institution founded right after German unification, in 1872. It is not clear why the journal thought that Schwalbe would return to a smaller university. See (1888) Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift , 38, 376, 1263.
ÖStA, AVA, Unterricht: Allgemeine Reihe (1848–1914), Universität Wien, Sig. 4 Med, Professoren, Fasz. 607, E. Zuckerkandl, Z. 18.821 (1888).
Ibid.
For a discussion of the emergence of ‘language frontiers’, such as the southern Bohemia and southern Styria, in the late nineteenth century see Pieter M. Judson (2006) Guardians of the Nation: Activists on the Language Frontiers in Imperial Austria (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press).
For biographic information on Toldt see Toldt, Autobiographie ; Pöch, ‘Carl Toldt (gestorben am 13. November 1920)’.
Toldt, Autobiographie , 12.
On Ewald Hering’s physiology of vision see Steven R. Turner (1994) In the Eye’s Mind: Vision and the Helmholtz-Hering Controversy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press).
Carl Toldt (1875) Studien über die Anatomie der menschlichen Brustgegend mit Bezug auf die Messung derselben und die Verwertung des Brustumfanges zur Beurteilung der Kriegsdiensttauglichkeit (Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke). Anthropological studies on military recruits had been conducted in the Austrian army from at least the early 1860s, when the pathologist Augustin Weisbach compared the head circumferences of military recruits from different ethnic groups; see Fuchs, ‘Rasse’, ‘Volk’, Geschlecht (cit. Note 18), 142. To my knowledge, Toldt’s was the first anthropological study in Austria to use soft-tissue material and to take place in an anatomical institute.
Pöch, ‘Carl Toldt (gestorben am 13. November 1920)’, 81.
The first two factors were decisive. ÖStA, AVA, Unterricht: Allgemeine Reihe (1848–1914), Universität Prag, Sig. 5, Professoren, Fasz. 1123, Carl Toldt, Z. 5026 (1876).
Karl Toldt (1939) Geschichte der Familie Toldt, verfaßt von weil. Univ.-Prof. Dr. Carl Toldt 1893, bearbeitet und ergänzt von seinem Sohn Dr. Karl Toldt (Innsbruck: Wagner).
Pöch ‘Carl Toldt (gestorben am 13. November 1920)’, 83. On inaugural lectures as occasions for academic elites to shape the public image of their disciplines, see Coen, Vienna in the Age of Uncertainty , 138, on Adolf Exner.
This undated manuscript, printed in 50 copies, was prepared by Toldt to distinguish his position from the conclusion of the committee on natural sciences that recommended that these subjects remain in the curriculum but without examination. The committee was appointed in relation to the ministerial decree of 16 February 1891, concerning the change in the medical Studien - and Prüfungordnung Handschriftensammlung, Sammlungen der Medizinischen Universität Wien.
Michael Stober (1971) Personalbibliographien der Professoren und Dozenten der Anatomie an der Medizinischen Fakultät der Universität Wien im ungefähren Zeitraum von 1845 bis 1969, mit biographischen Angaben und Überblick über die Hauptarbeitsgebiete (Med. diss., Medizinische Fakultät, Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg).
Fuchs, ‘Rasse’, ‘Volk’, Geschlecht , 160–64.
Franz Tappeiner (1883) Studien zur Anthropologie Tirols und der Sette Comuni (Innsbruck: Wagner).
See also Gustav Sauser (1938) Die Ötztaler: Anthropologie und Anatomie einer Tiroler Talschaft (Innsbruck: Naturwissenschaftlich-medizinischer Verein), especially ‘Frühere anthropologische Untersuchungen in Tirol’, 413.
In 1858, Carl Freiherr von Czörnig (1804–99) published the Ethnographische Karte of the Habsburg Monarchy, accompanied by a comprehensive text on the Ethnographie Österreichs The ethnographic map visually argued that the Empire had no ethnically homogenous territories, so the solution to the national questions could not be in the separation of nation-states. See Fuchs, ‘Rasse’, ‘Volk’, Geschlecht , 152–58.
Toldt, Geschichte der Familie Toldt
Coen, Vienna in the Age of Uncertainty
Pöch, ‘Carl Toldt (gestorben am 13. November 1920)’, 88; Toldt, Autobiographie
Carl Toldt (1893) ‘Physische Beschaffenheit von Tirol und Vorarlberg’, in Die österreichisch-ungarische Monarchie: Tirol und Vorarlberg , vol. 13 (Vienna: Kaiserlich-königliche Hof und Staatsdruckerei), 229–40.
Stober, Personalbibliographien der Professoren und Dozenten der Anatomie an der Medizinischen Fakultät der Universität Wien
Robert Herrlinger (1965) ‘Kurze Geschichte der Anatomischen Gesellschaft’, Anatomischer Anzeiger , 117, 1–60.
Carl Toldt (1900) Anatomischer Atlas für Studierende und Ärzte (Vienna, Berlin: Urban & Schwarzenberg), 1; Eliane Rautenberg (2002) ‘Die jüngere Firmengeschichte des Urban & Fischer Verlags anhand seiner anatomischen Publikationen’ (Diploma diss., Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München), 50–52.
ÖStA, AVA, Unterricht: Allgemeine Reihe (1848–1914), Universität Wien, Sig. 4 Med, Professoren, Fasz. 600, Ferdinand Hochstetter. See also Lesky, Die Wiener Medizinische Schule , 508.
See the Hochstetter Nachlass in the Handschriftensammlung, Sammlungen der Medizinischen Universität Wien.
See, for example, Daniela Claudia Angetter (1999) ‘Die Wiener Anatomische Schule’, Wiener Klinische Wochenschrift , 111, 764–74
Michael Hubenstorf (1989) ‘Medizinische Fakultat 1938–1945’, in Gernot Heiss et al. (eds.), Willfahrige Wissenschaft: Die Universitat Wien 1938–45 (Vienna: Verlag fur Gesellschaftskritik), 233–82
Peter Malina (1998) ‘Eduard Pernkopf’s anatomischer Atlas oder: die Fiktion einer “reinen Wissenschaft”’, Wiener Klinische Wochenschrift , 110, 193–201.
ÖStA, AVA, Unterricht: Allgemeine Reihe (1848–1914), Universität Wien, Sig. 4 Med, Fasz. 620, Hospitanten, Präparatoren, Mechaniker, Demonstratoren (1848–1928), Z. 24.254 (1891).
Ibid., Z. 2.262 (1892).
(1897) Die feierliche Inaugration des Rectors der Wiener Universität für das Studienjahr 1897/98 am 28. October 1897 (Vienna: Selbstverlag der k. k. Universität).
Richard S. Geehr (1990) Karl Lueger: mayor of fin-de-siècle Vienna (Detroit: Wayne State University Press), 79−99.
Klebelsberg, ‘Carl Toldt. † am 13. November 1920’, 29.
Toldt, Geschichte der Familie Toldt , 123.
See the biographical references in note 3.
On Viktor Zuckerkandl and Purkersdorf, see Leslie Topp (1997) ‘An architecture for modern nerves: Josef Hoffmann’s Purkersdorf Sanatorium’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians , 56, 414–37.
His National file (1868) gives his religion as ‘ mosaisch ’ and his father as ‘Leon, Kaufmann, Pest’. In 1871, the rubric ‘Religion’ is crossed out. UA, Medizinische Fakultät, Personalakten, Emil Zuckerkandl, f. 1.
For Arthur Schnitzler’s memories of Zuckerkandl as a young prosector around 1880 see Therese Nickl and Heinrich Schnitzler (eds.) (1968) Jugend in Wien: eine Autobiographie/Arthur Schnitzler (Vienna: Molden), 127–28.
Seebacher, ‘“ Primum humanitas, alterum scientia ”. Die Wiener Medizinische Schule im Spannungsfeld von Wissenschaft und Politik’, 327–32; John M. Efron (2001) Medicine and the German Jews: a History (New Haven: Yale University Press), 242.
On Jews in Vienna, their immigration, participation in the social and economic life, assimilation and obstacles to it see Marsha M. Rozenblit (1983) The Jews of Vienna, 1867–1914: Assimilation and Identity (Albany: State University of New York Press); Beller, Vienna and the Jews, 1867–1938
Julius Tandler (1910) ‘Emil Zuckerkandl’, Wiener Klinische Wochenschrift , 23, 798–800.
Bertha Zuckerkandl (1938) My Life and History (London: Cassel and Company).
Julius Tandler (1910), ‘Emil Zuckerkandl’s Nachruf’, in Feierliche Inauguration des Rektors der Universität Wien für das Studienjahr 1910/1911 (Wien: Selbstverlag), 39–52.
UA, Medizinische Fakultät, Personalakten, Emil Zuckerkandl, Z. 566 (1873/74).
His mention of Darwin’s theory and common ancestry of humans and apes in a lecture at the University of Graz apparently did not bother the Ministry but was severely criticized in the Styrian conservative press. See Bertha Zuckerkandl (1981) Österreich intim. Erinnerungen 1892–1942 , ergänzte und neu illustrierte Ausgabe mit 30 Abbildungen (Vienna: Amalthea) (original edition: Frankfurt: Ullstein, 1970), 132–34.
Seebacher, ‘“ Primum humanitas, alterum scientia ”. Die Wiener Medizinische Schule im Spannungsfeld von Wissenschaft und Politik’, 355.
I have no record of Zuckerkandl’s conversion to Christianity, although it is likely that he did convert. His son Fritz was baptized: see Emil Zuckerkandl, Verlassenschafsabhandlungen, Stadtarchiv Wien.
This succeeded largely thanks to the efforts of Carl Langer, who commended his prosector’s ‘technical, literary and didactic skills’. See (1879) ‘Notizen’, Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift , 29, 1297. Freud, for example, became Extraordinarius at the age of 45.
Stober, Personalbibliographien der Professoren und Dozenten der Anatomie an der Medizinischen Fakultät der Universität Wien , 41–54.
Fuchs, ‘Rasse’, ‘Volk’, Geschlecht (cit. Note 18), 137– 42.
Zuckerkandl (1875), quoted in Fuchs, ‘Rasse’, ‘Volk’, Geschlecht , 140.
Andrew Zimmerman (2001) Anthropology and Antihumanism in Imperial Germany (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), 87–88, 277–88. On the ways in which the multiethnic environment informed the direction of anthropology in Austria-Hungary see Fuchs, ‘Rasse’, ‘Volk’, Geschlecht ; Lafferton, ‘The Magyar moustache: the faces of Hungarian state formation, 1867–1918’.
Joseph Hyrtl (1847) Handbuch der topographischen Anatomie und ihrer praktische medicinisch-chirurgischen Anwendungen (Vienna: J.B. Wallishauser).
Otto Zuckerkandl (1897) Atlas und Grundriss der chirurgischen Operationslehre (Munich: J.F. Lehmann), 503.
Emil Zuckerkandl (1882) Normale und pathologische Anatomie der Nasenhöhle und ihrer pneumatischen Anhänge (Vienna: Wilhelm Braumüller) (the second edition was published in 1893). The book contained 22 black-and-white lithographic plates, drawn by Julius Heitzmann.
Hans v. Hebra (1870) ‘Ueber ein eigenthümliches Neugebilde an der Nase; Rhinosclerom; nebst histologischem Befunde vom Dr. M. Kohn’, Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift , 20, 1–5.
Sander L. Gilman (1999) Making the Body Beautiful: a Cultural History of Aesthetic Surgery (Princeton: Princeton University Press), 124–37, 186–99; idem (1994) ‘The Jewish nose: are Jews white? Or, the history of the nose job’, in Laurence J. Silberstein and Robert L. Cohn (eds.) The Other in Jewish Thought and History: Constructions of Jewish Culture and Identity (New York: New York UP), 364–401. Zuckerkandl’s only nod in this direction is his discussion of the anatomy of the septum in the second volume of his 1882 book (Note 118). It included anthropological considerations on the percentage of physiological septum deviation significantly lower in ‘prognate peoples’ than in Europeans.
Efron, Medicine and the German Jews , 235.
Ibid., 239.
Cohen, Education and Middle-class Society in Imperial Austria , 232–33.
Lesky, Die Wiener Medizinische Schule , 465.
Stober, Personalbibliographien der Professoren und Dozenten der Anatomie an der Medizinischen Fakultät der Universität Wien , 41−54.
Most German anatomists, even if employed to teach a ‘clinically relevant’ orientation in anatomy, pursued research of no immediate clinical value. For example, Wilhelm Waldeyer in Berlin worked in pathology and topographical anatomy but also (and more famously) in embryology and on cell structure.
The first female demonstrator in the medical school at the University of Vienna was Elsa Friedland, employed from 1 January 1903 at the Heinrich Obersteiner’s Institute of Anatomy and Physiology of CNS; see ÖStA, AVA, Unterricht: Allgemeine Reihe (1848–1914), Universität Wien, Sig. 4G, Hospitanten, Mechaniker, Präparatoren, Demonstratoren (1848–1928), Fasz. 620, Z. 37957 (1902); 42292 (1903); 41892 (1904). On Gertrude Bien’s demonstratorship from 1 May 1906 see ibid., Z.25311 (1906), 2. I am grateful to Dr. Ingrid Arias for locating the document that confirms that it was Gertrude Bien in 1907, and not Marianne Stein after the First World War, who was the first female assistant at the medical faculty. UA, Dekanatsakten der Medizinischen Fakultät, Z. 1112 (1907/08), Z. 1404 (1906/07), Z. 494 (1907/08).
Zuckerkandl, My Life and History , 133. Gertrude Bien (1881–?) published extensively in the early twentieth century but soon left anatomy. She then worked as an assistant physician at the Carolinenspital , a Viennese children’s hospital (1913–18), and afterwards as Primaria in the Reception Centre for Children ( Kinderübernahmestelle ). It is probably no coincidence that Bien was employed in this innovative observation station for abused and neglected children, founded and funded by the Social Democrat government of Vienna, as the councillor for health and welfare was Bien’s colleague and sometime superior, the anatomist Julius Tandler. Bien had other ties to the Zuckerkandl circle: she was the house physician of Klimt’s famous model Adele Bloch-Bauer. In 1934, she retired and emigrated to the United States. See Ingrid Arias (2000) ‘Die ersten Ärztinnen in Wien: Ärztliche Karrieren von Frauen zwischen 1900 und 1938’, in Birgit Bolognese-Leuchtenmüller and Sonia Horn (eds.) Töchter des Hippokrates: 100 Jahre akademische Ärztinnen in Österreich (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Ärztekammer), 55–78, here 70; Martina Gamper (2000) ‘“ ... so kann ich nicht umhin mich zu wundern, das nicht mehr Ärztinnen da sind”. Die Stellung weiblicher Ärzte im “Roten Wien” (1922–1934)’, in idem, 79–96, 83.
See Gamper ‘“ ... so kann ich nicht umhin mich zu wundern, das nicht mehr Ärztinnen da sind”’, 92; ÖStA, AVA, Unterricht: Allgemeine Reihe (1848–1914), Universität Wien, Sig. 4G, Hospitanten, Mechaniker, Präparatoren, Demonstratoren (1848–1928), Fasz. 620, Z. 37233 (1911).
The first female demonstrator at the Second Chair was Helena Maslowski in 1916; see ibid., Z.25431 (1916).
See Mitchell G. Ash and Christian Stifter (eds.) (2002) Wissenschaft, Politik und Öffentlichkeit: von der Wiener Moderne bis heute (Vienna: Wiener Universitätsverlag)
Klaus Taschwer (1997) ‘People’s universities in a former metropolis: interfaces between the social and spatial organisation of popular adult education in Vienna, 1890–1930’, in Barry J. Hake and Tom Steele (eds.) Intellectuals, Activists and Reformers. Studies of Cultural, Social and Educational Reform Movements in Europe, 1890–1930 (Leeds: University of Leeds Press), 175–202, and idem (2000) ‘Wissenschaft für viele: zur Wissenschaftsvermittlung im Rahmen der Wiener Volksbildungsbewegung um 1900’ (PhD thesis, Fakultät für Human- und Sozialwissenschaften, Universität Wien).
Emil Zuckerkandl was already older and in poor health, but the active Tandler taught a range of courses in the early 1900s. I am grateful to Dr. Christian Stifter from the Volkshochschularchiv in Vienna for the information on anatomical courses.
Zuckerkandl, My Life and History , 64–65.
On the fate of Viktor’s collection and that of the members of Zuckerkandl family in the Second World War see the excellent chapter on the family Zuckerkandl in Natter, T.G. (2003) Die Welt von Klimt, Schiele und Kokoschka (Cologne: Dumont).
For more on Purkersdorf Sanatorium, see Topp, ‘An architecture for modern nerves: Josef Hoffmann’s Purkersdorf Sanatorium’.
Zuckerkandl, My Life and History , 101; Beller, Vienna and the Jews, 1867–1938 , 27.
Zuckerkandl, My Life and History
William M. Johnston (1972) The Austrian Mind: an Intellectual and Social History, 1848−1938 (Berkeley: University of California Press)
William J. McGrath (1974) Dionysian Art and Populist Politics in Austria (New Haven: Yale University Press); Carl Schorske, Fin-de-siècle Vienna (cit. Note 23).
Johnston, The Austrian mind ; Schorske, Fin-de-siècle Vienna
Bertha Zuckerkandl (1981) ‘Hermann Bahr, Ernst Mach und Emil Zuckerkandl im Gespräch, Wien 1908’, in Gotthard Wunberg (ed.), Die Wiener Moderne Literatur, Kunst und Musik zwischen 1890 aund 1910 (Stuttgart: Reclam), 171–77.
Topp, ‘An architecture for modern nerves: Josef Hoffmann’s Purkersdorf Sanatorium’.
See Rainald Franz (1998) ‘Stilvermeidung und Naturnachahmung: Ernst Haeckels “Kunstformen der Natur” und ihr Einfluß auf die Ornamentik des Jugendstils in Österreich’, in Erna Aescht (ed.) Welträtsel und Lebenswunder: Ernst Haeckel – Werk, Wirkung und Folgen (Linz: Oberösterreichisches Landesmuseum), 475–80
Tatjana Buklijas and Nick Hopwood (2008) ‘Evolution: Visual culture’, Making Visible Embryos [http://www.hps.cam.ac.uk/visibleembryos/s4_3.html] (University of Cambridge); see also Marsha Morton (2009) ‘From Monera to man: Ernst Haeckel, Darwinismus and nineteenth-century German Art’, in Barbara Jean Larson (ed.) The Art of Evolution: Darwin, Darwinisms and Visual Culture (Lebanon, NH: Dartmouth College Press), 59−91.
See Emily Braun (2007) ‘Ornament and evolution: Gustav Klimt and Berta Zuckerkandl’, in Renée Price (ed.) Gustav Klimt: The Ronald S. Lauder and Serge Sabarsky Collections (New York: Neue Galerie), 144−69
Scott F. Gilbert and Sabine Brauckmann (2011), ‘Fertilization narratives in the art of Gustav Klimt, Diego Rivera and Frida Kahlo: repression, domination and Eros among cells’, Leonardo , 44(3), 221–227.
According to Lajos (Ludwig) Hevesi, the Viennese journalist, author and art critic, ‘even the nightmarish new piece ‘From the realm of death’, for which he [Klimt] tirelessly attended Professor Zuckerkandl’s anatomical lectures this summer, has been sold‘ (‘ selbst das schauerliche Novum “Aus dem Reich des Todes” für das er diesen Sommer rastlos die anatomischen Vorlesungen des Professors Zuckerkandl besucht hat, ist verkauft ’). See Hevesi in Kunstchronik , Leipzig, NF, 15 (1903–04), 136.
Zuckerkandl, Österreich intim , 132–34.
For Tandler’s biography see Karl Sablik (1983) Julius Tandler: Mediziner und Sozialreformer (Vienna: A. Schendl).
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Buklijas, T. (2012). The Politics of Fin-de-siècle Anatomy. In: Ash, M.G., Surman, J. (eds) The Nationalization of Scientific Knowledge in the Habsburg Empire, 1848–1918. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137264978_10
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