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Abstract

A ‘folk-memory’ of the early stages of the Order’s militarization lingered until the late fifteenth century. One version of it is to be found in the historical introduction to an edition of the statutes made by William Caoursin, the vice chancellor on Rhodes, and published in 1496:

Devout persons on pilgrimage dedicated themselves to the service of the Holy House [the Hospital] and, induced by divine zeal, took up arms for the defence of the Catholic faith and also to protect pilgrims and the [Holy] Places from the incursions of the barbarians. At length these men, imitating the most famous Judas Maccabeus and the most devout John [the Baptist], engaged with all care in hospitaller work and in the bearing of arms in defence of the divine cult and the Catholic faith.1

Another version, written slightly later by a Hospitaller priest, survived in only one manuscript, which is now lost but was in England in the seventeenth century:

When…the riches of this holy Order had grown greatly, it hired knights…to protect its properties…and to drive back the pagans. For the priests themselves, occupied with the sacred mysteries and preaching, could not do what the knights practised. Then in an act of utter madness, motivated by greed, the knights were raised up…and the priests were disregarded. Accordingly it was decreed that the knights themselves should become members of the Hospital and defend the Christian Order. Whence it was established that these men, fighting for the name of Christ, were to wear the cross on their chests.2

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Notes

  1. For milites ad terminum in general, see Alan Forey, ‘Milites ad terminum in the Military Orders during the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries’, MO 4; Giuseppe Ligato, ‘Fra Ordini Cavallereschi e crociata: “milites ad terminum” e “confraternitates” armate’, ‘Militia Christi’ e Crociata nei secoli XI–XIII (Milan, 1992).

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  2. Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 158–60. See Jochen Schenk, ‘Forms of Lay Association with the Order of the Temple’, Journal of Medieval History 34 (2008), pp. 100–2.

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  3. Benjamin Kedar, ‘On the Origins of the Earliest Laws of Frankish Jerusalem: The Canons of the Council of Nablus, 1120’, Speculum 74 (1999), pp. 324, 334.

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  4. Ibn al-Qalanisi, The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades, tr. Hamilton Gibb (London, 1932), pp. 175–7.

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  5. UKJ 1:309–14, 345–6, nos 134–5, 158; William of Tyre, pp. 659–61; Jonathan Riley-Smith, ‘King Fulk of Jerusalem and the “Sultan of Babylon”’, in Montjoie, ed. Benjamin Kedar, Jonathan Riley-Smith and Rudolf Hiestand (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 58–66; Boas, Archaeology of the Military Orders, pp. 229–30.

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  6. Cart Hosp 1:116–18, no. 144. See UKJ 1:395–6, no. 213; Jean Richard, ‘Cum omni raisagio montanee. A propos de la cession du Crac des Chevaliers aux Hospitaliers’, in Itinéraires d’Orient, ed. Raoul Curiel and Rika Gyselen (Bures-sur-Yvette, 1994), p. 187. My argument (in ‘The Templars and the Teutonic Knights in Cilician Armenia’, in The Cilician Kingdom of Armenia, ed. Thomas Boase [Edinburgh, 1978], pp. 92–5) that a model may have been a march in the Amanus mountains north of Antioch, which the Templars may have held since the late 1130s, has been put to rest by Chevalier (Les ordres, pp. 63–8), who dates the Templar march in the Amanus to the 1150s. It is odd that the Hospitallers were prepared to offer Crac des Chevaliers to King Wladislas of Bohemia while he was in the East in 1169. Cart Hosp 1:281, no. 405.

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  7. Cart Hosp 1:397, 406–7, 450–2, 501, 503, nos 585, 596, 676, 801, 804; René Dussaud, Topographie historique de la Syrie antique et médiévale (Paris, 1927), pp. 100–1, 107; Richard, Le comté de Tripoli, p. 63; Jean Richard, ‘Questions de topographie tripolitaine’, Journal asiatique, 236 (1948), pp. 54–55. For Raymond’s attempt on Homs, see Abu Shamah, ‘Book of the Two Gardens’, extr. tr. RHC Or 4–5, 4:168–9.

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  8. Cart Hosp 1:491–6, no. 783; 3:146–7, no. 3236; UKJ 3:1426–7, no. 817. For the date, see Hans Mayer, Varia Antiochena (Hanover, 1993), pp. 35–6, 182. See also Cart Hosp 2:226–7, 565, nos 1579, 2223; 3:135–6, nos 3213, 3214.

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  9. ‘Gillebertus, miles et frater Hospitalis’; ‘Fragment d’un cartulaire de l’ordre de St.-Lazare’, ed. Arthur de Marsy, AOL 2 (1884); Documents, p. 127, no. 6.

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  10. Benjamin of Tudela, The Itinerary, tr. Marcus N. Adler (London, 1907), p. 22.

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  11. William of Tyre, pp. 826–7; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 330–2. See also Paul Deschamps, Les châteaux des croisés en Terre Sainte, 3 vols (Paris, 1934–77), 2:145–74.

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  12. UKJ 1:450–2, no. 244; Hans Mayer, Die Kanzlei der lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem, 2 vols (Hanover, 1996), 1:804–5.

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  13. See Gustave Schlumberger, Campagnes du roi Amaury Ier de Jérusalem en Egypte au XIIième siècle (Paris, 1906).

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  14. Denys Pringle, Secular Buildings in the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. An Archaeological Gazetteer (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 32–3, 96; Harper and Pringle, Belmont Castle, passim; Boas, Archaeology, pp. 228–30.

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  15. PTJ 2:222–7, no. 19. For the date, see UKJ 2:612–15, no. 35. See also Burgtorf, The Central Convent, pp. 65–72. For Cast of Murols, see UKJ 2:614, no. 351; ‘Cronica Magistrorum Defunctorum’, p. 797; Burgtorf, The Central Convent, pp. 505–6. Burgtorf (The Central Convent, pp. 71–2, 651) argues against the existence of the anti-master, called Rostang, the only evidence for which is a seal. See Gustave Schlumberger, Ferdinand Chalandon and Adrien Blanchet, Sigillographie de l’Orient latin (Paris, 1943), p. 233; Delaville Le RouIx, Les Hospitaliers, p. 81. Rostang may have been grand commander in 1162. Cart Hosp 4:247, no. 300.

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  16. Gesta regis Henrici secundi et Ricardi primi, ed. William Stubbs, 2 vols (London, 1867), 1:305–6.

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  17. The patriarch must have been either Fulcher of Angoulême or Amalric. It is most likely to have been Amalric. Jean Leclercq, ‘Gratien, Pierre de Troyes et la seconde croisade’, Studia gratiana 2 (1954), pp. 589–93.

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  18. Bronstein, The Hospitallers, p. 84. And note the distinction made in 1187–8 between ‘milites Templi’ and ‘fideles Hospitalarios’ by Ralph Niger, De re militare et triplici via peregrinationis Ierosolimitane, ed. Ludwig Schmugge (Berlin, 1977), p. 194.

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  19. La Règle du Temple, ed. Henri de Curzon (Paris, 1886), §675. See Le procès, ed. Michelet, 2:19, 21.

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© 2012 Jonathan Riley-Smith

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Riley-Smith, J. (2012). Militarization, 1126–1182. In: The Knights Hospitaller in the Levant, c.1070–1309. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137264756_3

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137264756_3

  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London

  • Print ISBN: 978-1-349-33162-8

  • Online ISBN: 978-1-137-26475-6

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