Abstract
In fall 1899, the crowd on the floor of the New York Cotton Exchange burst into laughter at the reading of a poem satirizing the crop estimates of Henry M. Neill, the decade’s most renowned and most vilified cotton forecaster. “Strange,” observed poet Mrs. B. W. Hunt, wife of a prominent Georgia farmer, “that this city farmer, regardless rain or shine ... makes crop that’s always ‘fine.’” When the Brazos River flooded, Neill predicted that cotton pickers wearing “diving suits” would harvest “an extra million bales” in Texas. Then when drought hit the rest of the South, Neill foretold, with a wink, a “monster crop” that meant “the price must further drop.” Neill insisted at the end of the poem—just as he had in August 1899—that the year’s yield would surpass eleven million bales and possibly even twelve. The poem concluded with this lament: “Oh, Mr. Neill, this cotton (so queer the south ne’er knew), / These phantom fleecy millions no planter picked but you.”1 The “phantom fleecy millions” that Neill foresaw were no poetic fancy but rather the center of a decade-long struggle among southern growers, commercial forecasters, and the U.S. government to produce the most accurate and authoritative cotton statistics. Indeed, this poet’s swipe at Neill’s perennially bearish estimates reportedly encouraged, according to the Arkansas Democrat, “those who were fighting the south’s battle against Mr. Neill,” a battle for control of the market in which predictions determined prices.2
I am grateful to the organizers of and participants in the “Understanding Markets: Information, Institutions and History” conference at the Hagley Museum and Library in October 2009. For their helpful comments, I would like to thank Uwe Spiekermann, Jonathan Levy, Ann Fabian, Sarah Igo, Kenneth Lipartito, Jason Petrulis, Josh Lauer, Dan Bouk, Daniel Amsterdam, Dawn Coleman, Deborah Becher, Angus Burgin, Patricia Meyer Spacks, Merritt Roe Smith, Leo Marx, Deborah Fitzgerald, Meg Jacobs, Christopher Capozzola, and Mark Stoneman. I also wish to acknowledge the generous funding provided by the Visiting Scholars Program at the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the American Council of Learned Societies New Faculty Fellows program.
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Notes
Quotations in “Cotton Crop of Mr. Neill,” Arkansas Democrat, November 28, 1899; Georgia Department of Agriculture, Georgia: Historical and Industrial (Atlanta, GA, 1901), 255.
William Cronon, Nature’s Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York, 1991);
Ann Fabian, Card Sharps, Dream Books, and Bucket Shops: Gambling in Nineteenth-Century America (Ithaca, NY, 1990);
Steve Fraser, Every Man a Speculator: A History of Wall Street in American Life (New York, 2005);
David Hochfelder, “‘Where the Common People Could Speculate’: The Ticker, Bucket Shops, and the Origins of Popular Participation in Financial Markets, 1880–1920,” Journal of American History 93, no. 2 (2006): 335–58.
Sven Beckert, “Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing the Worldwide Web of Cotton Production in the Age of the American Civil War,” American Historical Review 109, no. 5 (2004): 1408–10; “Local Intelligence,” Preston Guardian [England], June 18, 1862.
“The Cotton Circular of Messrs. Neill Brothers & Co.,” Glasgow Herald, December 3, 1863. On legibility as a tool of the modern state, see James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, CT, 1999).
Beckert, “Emancipation and Empire,” 1405, quotation on 1418. On the post-bellum southern cotton economy, see also Gavin Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York, 1978);
Gavin Wright, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy Since the Civil War (New York, 1986);
Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism (New York, 1983);
Gilbert C. Fite, Cotton Fields No More: Southern Agriculture, 1865–1980 (Lexington, KY, 1984);
and Pete Daniel, Breaking the Land: The Transformation of Tobacco, Corn, and Rice Cultures since 1880 (Urbana, IL, 1985).
Bruno Latour, Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society (Cambridge, MA, 1987), 239. Emmanuel Didier also invokes the Latourian “center of calculation” in his account of the USDA’s agricultural statistics program in the twentieth century.
See Emmanuel Didier, “Do Statistics ‘Perform’ the Economy?,” in Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics, ed. Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu (Princeton, NJ, 2007), 279.
USDA Statistical Reporting Service, The Story of U.S. Agricultural Estimates, Misc. Pub. No. 1088 (Washington, DC, 1969), 19–28;
USDA, Yearbook of the United States Department of Agriculture, 1897 (Washington, DC, 1898), 269; “Annual Report of the Statistician for the Fiscal Year 1901,” Crop Reporter 3, no. 8 (December 1901): 1.
Charles William Burkett and Clarence Hamilton Poe, Cotton: Its Cultivation, Marketing, Manufacture, and the Problems of the Cotton World (New York, 1906), 252–53, 258.
L. Tuffly Ellis, “The New Orleans Cotton Exchange: The Formative Years, 1871–1880,” Journal of Southern History 39, no. 4 (1973): 548–50;
quotations in Meigs O. Frost, “Hester Says—”: An Intimate Personal Sketch of the World’s Greatest Cotton Authority (New Orleans, LA, 1926), Jones Hall Louisiana Research Collection, Tulane University Libraries.
Tammy Harden Galloway, The Inman Family: An Atlanta Family from Reconstruction to World War I (Macon, GA, 2002), 26; quotation in “Don’t Believe It,” Atlanta Constitution, December 23, 1893.
Jonathan Ira Levy, “Contemplating Delivery: Futures Trading and the Problem of Commodity Exchange in the United States, 1875–1905,” American Historical Review 111, no. 2 (2006): 307–10, quotation on 310.
James L. Watkins, King Cotton: A Historical and Statistical Review (New York, 1908), 23, 30.
James L. Watkins, The Cot ton Crop of 1898–99, U.S. Department of Agriculture Bulletin No. 17 (Washington, DC, 1900), 25, 32.
U.S. Weather Bureau, Report of the Chief of the Weather Bureau, 1898–99 (Washington, DC, 1900), 3–7.
James L. Watkins, Cotton Crop of 1899–1900, U.S. Department of Agriculture Bulletin No. 19 (Washington, DC, 1901), 5.
Southern cotton growers had organized earlier, but ineffectual campaigns to counter Neill’s influence in 1895–96 and again in 1899. American Cotton Growers’ Protective Association, Proceedings of the American Cotton Growers’ Protective Association (Memphis, TN, 1896); “Cotton Growers’ Convention—Neill Answered,” Raleigh News and Observer, October 14, 1899; Arkansas Democrat, November 20, 1899, 2.
Theodore Saloutos, “The Southern Cotton Association, 1905–1908,” Journal of Southern History 13, no. 4 (1947): 492.
H. Parker Willis, “Cotton and Crop Reporting,” Journal of Political Economy 13, no. 4 (1905): 522.
For a few examples of alleged crop-reporting corruption, see Robert E. Snyder, “Federal Crop Forecasts and the Cotton Market, 1866–1929,” Journal of Southwest Georgia History 7 (1989–1992): 43–44.
Willard L. Hoing, “James Wilson as Secretary of Agriculture, 1897–1913” (PhD diss., University of Wisconsin, 1964), 168. For accounts of the “cotton leak” scandal, see Hoing, chap. 7; Snyder, “Federal Crop Forecasts and the Cotton Market, 1866–1929,” 44–47.
Harold T. Pinkett, “The Keep Commission, 1905–1909: A Rooseveltian Effort for Administrative Reform,” Journal of American History 52, no. 2 (1965): 300–1, quotation on 303, from Washington Star, March 23, 1906.
USDA, Yearbook of the United States Department of Agriculture, 1905 (Washington, DC, 1906), 97–99; USDA, “Orders Governing the Preparation of Monthly Crop Reports of the Bureau of Statistics,” July 8, 1905, reprinted in Willis, “Cotton and Crop Reporting,” 523–27.
For a thorough account of this episode, see Henry C. Taylor and Anne Dewees Taylor, The Story of Agricultural Economics in the United States, 1840–1932: Men, Services, Ideas (Ames, IA, 1952), 217–20.
Committee on Department Methods, Report to the President by the Committee on Department Methods, Government Crop Conditions (Washington, DC, 1906), 5.
House Committee on Agriculture, Hearing on House Joint Resolution 45, Directing the Secretary of Agriculture to Furnish Certain Information Concerning the Cotton Crop of the Season of 1905 and 1906, 59th Cong., 1st sess., December 19, 1905, 2.
Board of Trade v. Christie Grain & Stock Co., 198 U.S. 236, 250 (1905). On the Christie decision’s reconceptualization of futures trading, see Levy, “Contemplating Delivery,” 327–35; Kenneth J. Lipartito, “The New York Cotton Exchange and the Development of the Cotton Futures Market,” Business History Review 57, no. 1 (1983): 67–68.
Taylor and Taylor, Story of Agricultural Economics, 229–30; quotation in Leon M. Estabrook, “Opening Address,” in U. S. Bureau of Crop Estimates, Meeting of the Field Agents, Crop Specialists and Administrative Officials of the Bureau of Crop Estimates at the National Museum, Washington, D.C., January 22–27, 1917 (Washington, DC, 1917), 1-B.
Nat C. Murray, “A Close-up View of the Development of Agricultural Statistics from 1900 to 1920,” Journal of Farm Economics 21, no. 4 (1939): 715–16; Snyder, “Federal Crop Forecasts and the Cotton Market,” 52; Taylor and Taylor, Story of Agricultural Economics, 229n175.
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Pietruska, J.L. (2012). “Cotton Guessers”: Crop Forecasters and the Rationalizing of Uncertainty in American Cotton Markets, 1890–1905. In: Berghoff, H., Scranton, P., Spiekermann, U. (eds) The Rise of Marketing and Market Research. Worlds of Consumption. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137071286_3
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