Abstract
One of the primary challenges in uncovering the moral development of the Decameron is disentangling the basic character of the individual days from the relatively bland and harmless subjects assigned to them by the brigata. While the avowed subjects of the ten days suggest an entertaining but incohesive assortment of narrative topics, the individual days develop specific topics that are at once coherent and subversive; and the full sequence of days is united by a challenging development of its own.1 An excellent example of this disproportion between label and intention is presented in Day I. This day, which modestly purports to deal with topics “che piú gli sarà a grado” (I. Intro. 114) (treating any subject which most pleases you) (20), reveals itself, as Valerio C. Ferme has remarked,2 to be a nonstop series of anecdotes concerning the subversion of authority. No fewer than five of these ten focus on the church, while the other five concern, as targets of satire, two kings, a prince, a wealthy Genoese lord, and a female snob. In each of the ten tales, the subversive weapon—the Goliath-slayer as it were—is ingegno: pure creativity and wit, expressed by an inventive individual in common speech. Viewed in this light, Day I suggests a kind of revolution: a shift in emphasis from institutionalized authority to individual inventiveness. And the day is capped, as we will see, by a canzone that universalizes the value of this inventiveness in terms that evoke Cicero’s treatment of ingenium in De legibus.
Io son sí vaga delta mia bellezza,
che d’altro amor già mai
non curerò né credo aver vaghezza.
[So struck I am by my own beauty
That never could I heed
Another love or find delight therein.]
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Notes
Pamela D. Stewart, “The Tale of the Three Rings, I. 3,” in The Decameron: First Day in Perspective, ed. E. Weaver (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), pp. 89–112. See also Viktor Sklovskij, who declares that “Le prime tre novelle [of Day I of the Decameron], diciamo religiosi, sono state collocate volutatmente in testa a tutta l’opera, negando cosí la religione come norma che fornisca agli uomini certi fondamenti morali e certe regole di comportamento … ‘La … vecchia fede viene bruciata, come durante la peste si bruciavano gli stracci per la disinfezione.” Lettura del Decameron, trans. Alessandro Ivanov (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1961), p. 209. [The first three novelle [of the Decameron] which we may call “religious,” have been placed intentionally at the head of the whole work, thus negating religion as a standard that provides humanity with a firm moral ground and code of behavior … The old faith is burned, just as during the plague one burned rags and old clothes to destroy the sources of contagion.] English translation ours.
Widely quoted, often verbatim. The original anecdote comes from the fourteenth-century chronicler Geoffrey of Paris. Also see Henry Charles Lea, History of the Inquisition (New York, 1888), vol. 3, pp. 326f.
Vittore Branca, Boccaccio: The Man and His Works, trans. Richard Monges and Dennis J. McAuliffe (New York: New York University Press, 1976), p. 287. Branca suggests, as well, that Boccaccio’s prose style derives from Livy, “the idol of the great Italian ‘rhètoriqueurs’ of the thirteenth century,” rather than from Cicero, not realizing that Livy’s prose style was itself Ciceronian, and that Boccaccio in the De casibus (V I.i.12) declared that his own style was Ciceronian. “In summary,” Branca concludes, “Boccaccio’s whole development is influenced strictly by medieval writing” (p. 223).
Theodor Mommsen, Römische Geschichte (Berlin: Wiedmannsche Buchhandlung, 1904), vol. III, book V, chapter 8, pp. 312–14 and chapter 12, pp. 622–24.
Hans Baron, The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance (Princeton: University Press, 1955). On this error,
see Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), vol. I, pp. 54f.;
and James Hankins, “The ‘Baron Thesis’ after Forty Years and Some Recent Studies of Leonardo Bruni,” Journal of the History of Ideas 52.2 (April 1995), 309–338, esp. pp. 315f.
Stephen J. Milner, “Communication, Consensus and Conflict: Rhetorical Precepts, the ars concionandi, and Social Ordering in Late Medieval Italy,” in The Rhetoric of Cicero in its Medieval and Early Renaissance Commentary Tradition, ed. Virginia Cox and John O. Ward (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2006), p. 396.
Aldo Scaglione, Nature and Love in the Late Middle Ages: An Essay on the Cultural Context of the “Decameron” (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1963), chapter 3.
Scaglione’s predecessors in the so-called naturalistic interpretation of the Decameron include Francesco de Sanctis, Storia della letteratura italiana (Naples: Morano, 1870);
Guido di Pino, La Polemica del Boccaccio (Florence: Vallecchi Editore, 1953); and Russo, Letture Critiche del Decameron.
More recent efforts in this area include Robert Hastings, Nature and Reason in the Decameron (Manchester, UK: University of Manchester Press, 1975);
Victoria Kirkham, “Morale,” in Lessico Critico Decameroniano, ed. Renazo Bragantini and Pier Massimo Forni (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 1995);
and Gregory B. Stone, The Ethics of Nature in the Middle Ages: On Boccaccio’s Poetaphysics (New York: St. Martin’s, 1998). Stone’s account of Boccaccio’s theory of nature references Cicero’s oration, Pro Archia Poeta.
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© 2012 Michaela Paasche Grudin and Robert Grudin
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Grudin, M.P., Grudin, R. (2012). Ingegno—The Individual and Authority: Decameron, Day I. In: Boccaccio’s Decameron and the Ciceronian Renaissance. The New Middle Ages. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137056849_2
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