Abstract
While practitioners and theorists are inclined to argue that an absence of grand strategy or a dependence on Cold War communication approaches resulted in America’s post-9/11 public diplomacy failure, there are more concrete reasons for this breakdown. For example, a US president publicly projecting American Judeo-Christian ideals, the Project for a New American Century steering post-9/11 US foreign policy, and an open disregard by US state actors toward nonelite Muslim perspectives held in global Islamic communities, thereby counteracting any positive public diplomacy attempt. This chapter explores numerous dimensions of the post-9/11 engagement process, moving beyond “what” precisely contributed to distorting US-Muslim relations to “how” exactly American leadership and key conservative special interests distorted relations. Ensuring that the Bush administration met its post-9/11 “unilateral” objectives to win America’s War on Terror and halt the spread of global Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) required that a different political atmosphere be established—driven largely by manufactured fear and a rigid neo conservative agenda. Coupled with US President George W. Bush’s “God-Talk”, a neocon-led agenda succeeded in promulgating America’s political and social arrogance. As this dual agenda failed in winning the War on Terror and attracting global Islamic communities to embrace American values, this chapter makes plain how such attempts created a false sphere of confidence in order to crusade for a staunch US national security agenda, while pacifying yet keeping global Islamic communities at arm’s length.
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Notes
See Esther Kaplan, With God on Their Side: George W. Bush and the Christian Right (New York: New Press, 2005);
see also, Mark J. Rozell and Gleaves Whitney ed., Religion and the Bush presidency (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007).
George W. Bush, “Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American People (September 20, 2011)” in Understanding the War on Terror, ed. James F. Hoge Jr. and Gideon Rose (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2005), 185.
Fareed Zakaria, “Why Do They Hate Us?” in Understanding the War on Terror, ed. James F. Hoge Jr. and Gideon Rose (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2005), 185.
See Melvin Gurtov, Superpower on Crusade: The Bush Doctrine in U. S. Foreign Policy (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2006), 35.
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See, Stephen Mansfield, The Faith of George W. Bush (New York: Penguin Books, 2003);
Mark J. Rozell and Gleaves Whitney, Religion and the Bush Presidency (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007);
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See, George W. Bush, A Charge to Keep: My Journey to the White House (New York: Perennial, 2001).
See, Bruce Lincoln, “Bush’s God Talk,” in Political Theologies: Public Religion in a Post-Secular World, ed. Hent De Vries and Lawrence E. Sullivan (New York: Fordham University Press, 2006), 269.
See, George W. Bush, “Compassionate Conservatism,” Vital Speeches of the Day, 66 (2000): 642–646;
Marvin N. Olasky Compassionate Conservatism: What It Is, What It Does, and How It Can Transform America (New York: Free Press, 2000).
Manuel Perez-Rivas, Bush Vows to Rid the World of Evil Doers (CNN September 16, 2001) [article online]; available from http://archives.cnn.com/2001/US/09/16/gen.bush.terrorism/ accessed August 20, 2009.
See, Charles Babington, Bush: US Must Rid the World of Evil (September 14, 2001) Washington Post [article online]; available from http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?pagename=article&node=&contentId=A30485-2001Sepl4.
See Mark Jurgensineyer, Terror in the Mind of God (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 148–166.
Melvin Gurtov, Superpower on Crusade: The Bush Doctrine in US Foreign Policy (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2006); 37.
George W. Bush, The National Security Strategy of the United States of America September 2002 (New York: Morgan James Pub, 2009).
See Brad Roberts, American Primacy and Major Power Concert: A Critique of the 2002 National Security Strategy (Alexandria: Institute for Defense Analyses, 2002).
Irwin Stelzer, The Necon Reader (New York: Grove Press, 2004), 81.
The 2002 CIA and National Intelligence Estimate reports concluded that neither country, Iraq or Iran, posed a nuclear threat; and nor did Iraq have WMDs, as implied by US President George W. Bush in his January 29, 2002 State of the Union Address; see Central Intelligence Agency, The Comprehensive Revised Report with Addendums on Iraq’s Weapons of Mass Destruction: Duelfer Report, (September, 2004);
National Intelligence Estimate, “Iran: Nuclear Intentions and Capabilities” (November 2007).
George W. Bush, The National Security Strategy 2006 [document online] available from http://www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pdffiles/nss.pdf accessed August 20, 2009.
See Jonathan Monten, “The Roots of the Bush Doctrine: Power, Nationalism, and Democracy Promotion in US Strategy,” International Security, 29 (2005): 112–156.
Joshua Micha Marshall, “Remaking the World: Bush and the Neoconservatives,” Foreign Affairs, 82 (November/December 2003): 142.
Liora Danan and Alice Hunt, Mixed Blessings: US Government Engagement with Religion in Conflict-Prone Settings (Washington: CSIS Press, 2007), 39.
Bryan Hehir, “Religion, Realism and Just Intervention,” in Liberty and Power: A Dialogue on Religion & US Foreign Policy, ed. E. J. Dionne, Jean Bethke Elshtain and Kayla Drogosz (Washington: Brooking Institute Press, 2004), 13.
Barry Rubin, “Religion and International Affairs,” in Religion the Missing Dimension of Statecraft, ed. Douglas Johnston and Cynthia Sampson (Oxford: Oxford Press, 1994), 20.
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© 2012 Darrell Ezell
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Ezell, D. (2012). Distorting the Process. In: Beyond Cairo. Palgrave Macmillan Series in Global Public Diplomacy. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137048493_5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137048493_5
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