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‘… imprisonment of relatives, life or liberty …’ Sippenhaft and the Wehrmacht

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Family Punishment in Nazi Germany
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Abstract

Building on the notion that the family of a political enemy was also liable for punishment, the Wehrmacht developed an understanding where Sippenhaft increasingly became a viable threat towards its soldiers for what were considered ‘political’ crimes such as desertion, cowardice or ‘attempting to undermine military strength’. Similarly in some respects to the German home front, the threat of Sippenhaft within the Wehrmacht was developed and promoted not through codification or directives, but rather was passed on by personalized threats or actions from commanders to their units on a local level. In the latter stages of the war the broadening application of Sippenhaft — seen in multiple decrees and in military court sentences — still did not create an environ-ment for its systematic application. On the contrary, its effectiveness lay in it being maintained as a general threat, against individual soldiers.

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Notes

  1. Leo Daugherty, ‘The Volkdeutsche and Hitler’s War’, The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, 8, 2 (1995), pp. 296–318. George S. Stein defines ‘Volksdeutsche’ as ‘those who were not citizens of the German Reich but who were German in language and culture’.

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  3. See Alan Steinweis & Daniel E. Rogers, The Impact of Nazism: New Perspectives on the Third Reich and Its Legacy (Lincoln 2003), p. 104.

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  13. It is worth pointing out that family punishment methods were used by the Soviets against their own troops in the difficult 1941 period. A family liability policy had been codified during the Great Terror (15 August 1937 ‘Operational Order 00486’ for the ‘repression of wives of the traitors from the Rightist-Trotskiist espionage and sabotage organization’), resulting in the arrest of around 43,000 women and children before the war. Marc Jansen & Nikita Petrov, Stalin’s Loyal Executioner: People’s Commissar Nikolai Ezhov (Stanford 2002), p. 100. Stalin updated this on 16 August 1941 in Stavka Order 270, which threatened punishment for families of captured soldiers. However, it is alleged — but unconfirmed — that individual Soviet commanders like Marshal Zhukov also released similarly worded orders. Anthony Beevor claims that research yet to be published describes how, at the end of September 1941, Zhukov, as Commander of the Leningrad Front, issued a directive which instructed commanders, ‘to make clear to all troops that all families of those who surrender to the enemy would be shot, and they themselves would be shot upon return from prison’.

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  18. In 1916 a Social Democrat parliament committee suggested that, should a soldier be sentenced to more than six months’ jail, regardless of his crime, his family should have their financial support withdrawn. The Ministry for the Interior rejected this on the grounds of practicality: withdrawing support from a family would merely cause them to turn to welfare agencies. Subsequently, in 1917 the National Liberal faction suggested confiscation of the property of any soldier accused of desertion. It was proposed that, after a predetermined period of time, the property of the deserter would be handed over to the State. While the Justice Office believed the idea had merit, it did not act upon it. See Christoph Jahr, Gewöhnliche Soldaten: Desertion und Deserteure im deutschen und britischen Heer 1914–1918 (Göttingen 1998), p. 301.

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© 2012 Robert Loeffel

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Loeffel, R. (2012). ‘… imprisonment of relatives, life or liberty …’ Sippenhaft and the Wehrmacht. In: Family Punishment in Nazi Germany. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137021830_3

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137021830_3

  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London

  • Print ISBN: 978-1-349-34450-5

  • Online ISBN: 978-1-137-02183-0

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