Abstract
John Mitchells insistence that the British government was to blame for the Irish famine is echoed in one modern historian’s confident assertion that the prohibition of food exports from Ireland in the mid-1840s ‘would have saved tens, perhaps hundreds of thousands of lives’. John Newsinger’s judgement is that ‘a million people died because government relief measures were too little and too late’. It was not that the Whigs’ free trade ideology constricted the range of options, but ‘rather that the Famine did not affect their interests sufficiently for them to change their ideas’. And he endorses Mitchel’s observation that the Viceroy, while ‘presiding over the starvation of rural Ireland also presides over the social life of Dublin’.1 The question is whether the Famine, and its surrounding myths, mark a shift to a secular Irish nationalism in which the sectarian disputes of the previous half-century find no echo.
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Notes
J. Newsinger, Fenianism in mid-Victorian Britain (London and Boulder, Colorado: Pluto Press, 1994) pp. 21, 6–8.
Mitchel’s History of Ireland from the treaty of Limerick to the present time… (Glasgow, 1869).
R.V. Comerford, The Fenians in context: Irish politics and society, 1848–82 (Dublin, Wolfhound Press; NJ, Humanities Press both 1985) p. 21.
W. E. Gladstone, The State in its relations with the church 2 vols 4th edn (Murray, 1841).
E. R. Norman, Anti-Catholicism in Victorian England (Allen and Unwin, 1968) pp. 23–51.
J. Blackburn, The Maynooth grant: facts and observations relating to the popish College of St Patrick (1845) p. 14.
D. M. Perceval, Maynooth and the few bill — further illustrations of the speech of the Right Honourable Spencer Perceval on the Roman Catholic question (Edinburgh, 1845) p. 17 in QR 76 (June 1845) p. 264.
S. Warren, The Queen or the Pope? The question considered in its political, legal and religious aspects (Edinburgh and London 1851) in BEM 69 (Feb. 1851) p. 250.
Cardinal N. Wiseman, Appeal to the reason and good feeling of the English people on the subject of the Catholic hierarchy (1850) p. 10 in Norman, p. 62.
Cited in R. Jenkins, Gladstone (Macmillan, 1995) pp. 131–2.
O. P. Rafferty, The church, the state and the Fenian threat (Macmillan, 1999) pp. 1, 6.
A. M. Sullivan, Story of Ireland 25th edn (Glasgow 1880) p. 568.
D. Ryan, Fenian chief: a biography of James Stephens (Dublin: Gill, 1967) p. 51.
see F. D’Arcy, The Fenian movement in the United States (Washington, 1947).
see G. R. Moran, Radical priest in Mayo. Father Patrick Lavelle: the rise and fall of an Irish nationalist, 1825–86 (Dublin, 1994).
See Whelan, The politics of memory: the contemporary significance of the 1798 rebellion’ and M. Mansergh, The significance of the 1798 commemoration: the lessons history can teach’ in M. Cullen, 1798: 200 years of resonance (Dublin, 1998) pp. 156 and 229–34.
J. Devoy, Recollections of an Irish rebel (New York, 1929) p. 214.
see C. Campbell, Fenian Fire… (Harper-Collins, 2002) pp. 85–230.
Comerford’s view is endorsed in New History of Ireland v part 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996).
see G. E. Buckle (ed.) Letters of Queen Victoria 2nd series (1862–78) 2 vols (1926) i pp. 516–18.
I. Butt, Ireland’s appeal for amnesty: a letter to the Right Honourable W. E. Gladstone (London and Glasgow, 1870) p. 7.
See B. Solow, The land question and the Irish economy (Harvard, 1871) pp. 19–20.
W. E. Vaughan, Landlords and tenants in mid-Victorian England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994) p. 100.
J. Morley, Life of William Ewart Gladstone 2 vols (1908) ii p. 88.
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© 2006 Stuart Andrews
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Andrews, S. (2006). Gladstone, Fenians and Disestablishment. In: Irish Rebellion. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230800571_10
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