Abstract
Oil security is widely recognized as one of the policy priorities of national development. Furthermore, the oil industry is the least stable among all energy sectors.1 Because oil is limited and unevenly distributed across the world, oil supply and demand has become a function of political ideology, technology, and market forces, all of which influence the type and rate of oil consumption.2 Differences in political ideology, economic influence, and access to technology and markets often lead to confrontation among countries over the management of oil. Today “oil politics” has been exacerbated by geopolitical and market factors such as oil price hikes, geopolitical instability, surging demand among the developing countries, oil supply competition, OPEC production cuts, and natural disasters.3
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Notes
Originally published in a slightly different form as “China’s Oil Strategy and its Implications for U.S.—China Relations,” Issues & Studies 42, no. 3 (September 2006): 165–201, © Institute of International Relations, National Chengchi University, Taipei, Taiwan (ROC). Reprinted by permission. This chapter is an updated version of the aforementioned article.
Paul Roberts, The End of Oil (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2005), 6; and Francisco Parra, Oil Politics: A Modern History of Petroleum (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2004), 1.
Susan L. Cutter, “Exploiting, Conserving, and Preserving Natural Resources,” in Reordering the World: Geopolitical Perspectives on the 21st Century, eds. George J. Demko and William B. Wood (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1994), 123–124.
The oil price soared near US$80 per barrel after Hurricane Katrina hit production and refining operations in the Gulf of Mexico in September 2005. Factors such as the collapse of oil-producing countries, political instability, natural disasters, terrorism or accidents, and increased competition, all cause oil prices to soar. For an analysis of the current oil demand and market structure, see Parra, Oil Politics, 315–320; “Not So Shocking,” The Economist, April 28, 2005; Energy Information Administration (EIA), “International Energy Outlook 2005” (July 2005), 25–26; and Pak K. Lee, “China’s Quest for Oil Security: Oil (Wars) in the Pipeline?” The Pacific Review 18, no. 2 (June 2005): 267–268.
EIA, “International Energy Outlook 2007,” 1–6.
Mikkal E. Herberg, “The Emergence of China throughout Asia: Security and Economic Consequences for the United States” (Testimony before the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations hearing, June 7, 2005), 4.
British Petroleum (BP), “Putting Energy in the Spotlight: BP Statistical Review of World Energy” (June 2005), http://www.bp.com/sectiongenericarticle.do?categoryId=9010933&contentId=7021561.
The US$18.5 billion bid for UNOCAL put forward by CNOOC in 2005 was nearly US$2 billion higher than a previous offer by Chevron, a larger U.S.-based firm.
Robert B. Zoellick, “Whither China: From Membership to Responsibility?” (Speech at the National Committee on U.S.—China Relations, New York, September 21, 2005). Chinese scholars are dissatisfied with the concept of “stakeholder,” which implies a subordinate position. Rather, the Chinese prefer “co-manager,” which puts them on an equal footing with the United States. This point is reflected in an interview with Richard Bush at the Brookings Institution, October 2005.
Daniel Yergin, “Over a Barrel,” Fortune no. 10 (2005): 114.
Lee, “China’s Quest for Oil Strategy,” 267.
Brian Bremner et al., “Asia’s Great Oil Hunt,” BusinessWeek Online, November 15, 2004.
EIA, “Country Analysis Brief: China” (August 2006), http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/cabs/China/Oil.html. Kang Wu cited the EIA’s pessimistic prediction of China’s oil production in the future. See Kang Wu, “Current Energy Situation and Government Policies in China” (Paper delivered at the Roundtable on Chinese Energy Security, Berlin, May 19–20, 2003), 9. The prediction of oil production and consumption depends on different assumptions on a wide variety of factors such as projected economic growth and financial/technical feasibility of mineral exploration. Many organizations have different predictions. See Amy Myers Jaffe and Steven Lewis, “Beijing’s Oil Diplomacy,” Survival 44, no. 1 (Spring 2002): 117–118 (tables 1 and 2).
“China Should Rely Less on Middle East Oil,” Shenzhen ribao (Shenzhen Daily), November 14, 2005; and James Dorian, “Energy Demand: Dramatic Global Implications” (Paper delivered at the conference on Implications on China’s Energy Search, Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C., March 23, 2005), 8.
EIA, “Country Analysis Brief: China”; and BP, “Quantifying Energy: BP Statistical Review of World Energy” (June 2006), http://www.bp.com/sectiongenericarticle.do?categoryId=9010936&contentId=7021562.
Anthony Wayne, “Energy Trends in China and India and Their Implications for the United States” (Testimony delivered before the Committee of Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate, November 18, 2005), http://72.14.235.104/search?q=cache:F0dgU5FDnw4J:www.state.gov/e/eb/rls/rm/2005/66574.htm+United+States+consumes+40+barrels+per+day+per+person&hl=zh-TW&g1=tw&ct=clnk&cd=17.
Christian Constantin, “China’s Conception of Energy Security: Sources and International Impacts,” Working Paper #43 (Center of International Relations, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, March 2005), 39.
Wu, “Current Energy Situation,” 6–7.
“Ruhe lijie woguo shiyiwu shiqi ruogan zhongda zhanlue renwu: fang Guojia fazhan han gaige weiyuanhui zhuren Ma Kai” (How to Understand Some Important Strategic Tasks during the Eleventh Five-Year Plan Period: Interview with NDRC Chairman Ma Kai), November 11, 2005, http://www.ndrc.gov.cn/zjgx/t20051111_49727.htm.
Pablo Bustelo, China and the Geopolitics of Oil in the Asian Pacific Region (Madrid: Real Instituto Elcano de Estudio Internacionales y Estrategicos, 2005), 19.
Wu, “Current Energy Situation,” 6.
Ibid.
Liu Shixin, “Woguo zhengzhunbei zhiding nengyuanfa” (Our Country is Preparing to Draft an Energy Bill), Zhongguo qingnian bao (China Youth Daily), October 21, 2005. The NDRC is compiling a white paper to inform overseas countries about China’s energy development. See “China Compiling White Paper on Energy Policies,” Xinhua, September 25, 2006.
Kong Bo, “Institutional Insecurity,” China Security (Summer 2006): 69–70.
This new interagency task force included leaders from thirteen top government agencies such as the NDRC, the Ministry of Commerce, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and so on. This NELG was headed by Premier Wen Jiabao and his two deputies, namely, vice premiers Huang Ju who died in June 2007 and Zeng Peiyan. See Julie Walton, “Power Politics,” China Business Review 32, no. 5 (September/October 2005): 10.
Zhao Jianfei, “Energy Office Upgraded, But Power Limited,” Caijing Magazine, March 12, 2008, http://www.caijing.com.cn/English/energy&environment/2008–03-12/52084.shtml.
Ibid.
See Walton, “Power Politics,” 9–11.
The interchange of personnel among energy sectors hampers any policy reform that is not in the interest of the ministries or national energy companies. See Kong, “Institutional Insecurity,” 73–74; and Jonathan Sinton et al., Evaluation of China’s Energy Strategy Options (Berkeley: Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, May 2005), 4.
“Energy Ministry Plans May Be Delayed,” February 26, 2008, China Economic Review, http://www.chinaeconomicreview.com/dailybriefing/2008_02_26/Energy_ministry_plans_may_be_delayed.html.
Kong, “Institutional Insecurity,” 73.
See Richard McGregor, “Beijing under Pressure to Tackle Oil Shortages,” Financial Times, August 19, 2005. The incoherence of energy sector development and limited commercialization resulted in widespread electricity shortages and uneven geographic distribution of electricity in 2003.
Kong, “Institutional Insecurity,” 75–76.
The State Environment Protection Administration was upgraded to Ministry of Environment Protection in March 2008.
“NDRC Will Continue to Set Energy Prices,” China Economic Review, March 25, 2008, http://www.chinaeconomicreview.com/dailybriefing/2008_03_25/NDRC_will_continue_to_set_energy_prices.html.
“Woguo nengyuang zhengce zouxiang cheng sida zhuxian” (China’s Energy Policy Consists of Four Primary Outlines), Zhongguo shihuabao (Sinopec News), May 25, 2005, http://www.china5e.com/news/zonghe/200505/200505250088.html.
Cu Qingzhen, “Sanda zhanlue: woguo nengyuan anquan de fanghuoqiang” (Three Major Strategies: The Firewalls of National Energy Security), Energy News Online, November 1, 2005, http://www.china5e.com/news/zonghe/200511/200511010155.html.
William F. Martin, Ryukichi Imai, and Helga Steeg, “Maintaining Energy Security in a Global Context,” Task Force Report # 48 (The Trilateral Commission, 1998), 4.
Mikkal E. Herberg, “China’s Global Energy Security Campaign and Implication” (Speech delivered at the Brookings Institution, Washington, D.C., November 18, 2005), 1–2; and Zha Daojiong, “Energy Interdependence,” China Security (Summer 2006): 3.
Frank Umbach, “Global Energy Supply and Geopolitical Challenges,” in Asia and Europe: Cooperating for Energy Security, eds. Francois Godement, Francoise Nicolas, and Taizo Yakushiji (Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2004), 7.
John Baylis and Steve Smith, eds., The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 285.
The United States, as the biggest consumer and importer of oil, is also vulnerable to security of supply in the international oil market. In 2001, the National Energy Policy Development Group headed by Vice President Dick Cheney issued a National Energy Policy and suggested that energy security should be a priority of trade and foreign policy. See National Energy Policy (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, May 2001), chapter 8. In addition, Japan is also believed to take a strategic approach and is firmly linked with the Western-dominated energy system. See Roland Dannreuther, “Asian Security and China’s Energy Needs,” International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 3, no. 2 (2003): 200, 205.
Baylis and Smith, The Globalization of World Politics, 287.
In this sense, “rational” means appropriate to the specific incentives and institutional constraints and opportunities that existed at the time. See ibid.
Dannreuther, “Asian Security and China’s Energy Needs,” 199–201; Constantin, “China’s Conception of Energy Security,” 4–6; and Erica Strecker Downs and Project Air Force, China’s Quest for Energy Security (Santa Monica, Calif.: Rand, 2000). For maritime exploration, see Bernard Cole, “Oil for the Lamps of China”: Beijing’s 21st-Century Search for Energy (Washington, D.C.: National Defense University, 2003), 70–71.
See note 37 earlier.
“Zhongguo shiyou anquan xuyao xinsilu” (China’s Oil Security Needs New Perspectives), Guoji jinrong bao (International Financial News), August 22, 2005.
In 2001, the NDRC chose four venues for petroleum storage facilities: Zhenhai and Zhoushan (both in Zhejiang Province), Huangdao (in Shandong Province), and Dalian (in Liaoning Province). See Cai Rongsheng, “Jianli zhanlue shiyou chubei, weihu guojia anquan” (Establishing a Strategic Petroleum Reserve to Protect National Energy Security), Jingji ribao (Economic Daily), May 25, 2005. China only has 21.6 days worth of crude oil reserves for internal usage and its per capita exploitable energy reserves are far below the world average. See “China’s Energy Diplomacy Harvests Rather Little,” China Economic Net, November 15, 2005, http://en-1.ce.cn/main/Insight/200411/15/t20041115_2295397.html; and “China to Raise Economy’s Energy Efficiency,” Associate Press, December 12, 2005, http://biz.yahoo.com/ap/051212/china_fuel_efficiency.html?v=1&printer=1.
Bei An, “China’s Oil Import Growth Continues to Fall in 2006,” Xinhua, November 18, 2005, http://www.nautilus.org/aesnet/2005/NOV3005/XNA_PRCoil.pdf.
Dannreuther, “Asian Security and China’s Energy Needs,” 204.
Wu, “Current Energy Situation,” 2–7.
Dannreuther, “Asian Security and China’s Energy Needs,” 99.
Ibid., 201.
Philip Andrews-Speed, Xuanli Liao, and Roland Dannreuther, The Strategic Implications of China’s Energy Needs (London: Routledge, 2005), 43.
Ibid., 99–101.
Constantin, “China’s Conception of Energy Security,” 16–19.
Kong, “Institutional Insecurity,” 78–80.
Dannreuther, “Asian Security and China’s Energy Needs,” 202.
See note 32 earlier.
Sinton et al., Evaluation of China’s Energy Strategy Options, 4.
For more discussion about reform, restructuring, and rationalization of Chinese industries, see Thomas G. Moore, China in the World Market (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
Chen Dong, “Shiyou anquan cushi Zhongguo junshi waijiao biange” (Oil Security Contributes to Changes in Chinese Military and Foreign Affairs), Phoenix Net, September 21, 2004, http://www.china5e.com/news/oil/200409/200409210280html; and Jaffe and Lewis, “Beijing’s Oil Diplomacy,” 118.
In 2003, China’s leading crude import sources included Saudi Arabia (16.8 percent of total imports), Iran (13.8 percent), Angola (11.2 percent), Oman (10.3 percent), Yemen (7.7 percent), and Sudan (4.7 percent). See Katharine A. Fredriksen, “China’s Role in the World: Is China a Responsible Stakeholder?” (Statement before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, August 4, 2006), 7.
“India Contesting Oil with China in World Market,” China Economic Net, March 16, 2005, http://en.ce.cn/Insight/200503/16/t20050316_3340109.shtml.
The Middle East countries provide 30 percent or so of global oil and 60 percent of the proven oil reserve is located in the Middle East. Any major instability in the Middle East would certainly interrupt Chinese oil supplies and cause a severe oil price hike. See BP, “Putting Energy in the Spotlight,” 4.
Lee, “China’s Quest for Oil Security,” 282–823.
Chietigj Bajpaee, “Setting the Stage for a New Cold War: China’s Quest for Energy Security,” World Security Network, February 25, 2005, http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/showArticle3.cfm?article_id.11020.
Tak-ho Fong, “Rice Tour Raises China’s Energy Hackles,” Asia Times Online, October 25, 2005, http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China_Business/GJ25Cb01.html.
“Energy: Asian Countries Agree to Pool Resources,” AdnKronos International December 8, 2005, http://www/adnki.com/index_2Level.php?cat=Business&loid=8.0.237757838&par=0#.
See note 67 earlier.
Lee, “China’s Quest for Oil Security,” 282–283.
Matthew Forney, “Quest for Oil,” Time, November 22, 2005.
“China, Sudan to Further Armed Forces Exchanges,” Xinhuanet, November 28, 2005, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2005–11/28/content_3847856.htm.
Princeton N. Lyman, “China’s Rising Role in Africa” (Report at a hearing of the U.S.—China Economic and Security Review Commission, Washington, D.C., July 21, 2005).
Ibid.
Françoise Crouigneau and Richard Hiault, “World Bank Hits at China over Lending,” Financial Times, October 23, 2006.
Bajpaee, “Setting the Stage for a New Cold War.”
Chietigj Bajpaee, “China Fuels Energy Cold War,” Asia Times Online, March 2, 2005, http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/GCO2Ad07.html.
Ian Storey, “China Thirst for Energy Fuels Improved Relations with Brunei,” China Brief 5, no. 24 (November 22, 2005).
While attending the annual Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in Chile in November 2004, Chinese president Hu Jintao announced an energy deal between Sinopec and Petrobras of Brazil for a two-thousand-kilometer natural gas pipeline. China is also acquiring oil assets in Ecuador as well as investing in offshore petroleum projects in Argentina. See Roger F. Noriega, “China’s Influence in the Western Hemisphere” (Hearing of the House Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere Affairs, Washington, D.C., April 6, 2005).
Venezuela and Canada account for 8 and 11 percent, respectively, of crude oil imports to the United States. See Lyric Wallwork Winik, “How High Can it Go?” Parade (Washington, D.C.), October 2, 2005, 5.
See note 79 earlier.
See note 72 earlier.
Liu Da-Nien, “Challenges to China’s Economic Development and Transformation” (Paper presented at the Peace Forum, December 31, 2005), http://www.peaceforum.org.tw/onweb.jsp?webno=3333333217&webitem_no=1579.
See note 72 earlier; and EIA, “Country Analysis Brief: China.”
See note 79 earlier.
Le Tian, “World Energy Security Vital for Economy,” China Daily, July 18, 2006, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn.cn/china/2006–07/18/content_642923.htm; and see Luan Shanglin, “Wen Makes 8-Point Proposal on New Asia-Europe Ties at ASEM Summit,” Xinhua, September 11, 2006, http://www/gov.cn/misc/2006–09/11/content_383968.htm.
Fredriksen, “China’s Role in the World,” 8.
Evidence of national security concerns can be found in the restrictions China imposes on foreign involvement in the energy sector. As for institutional inefficiencies, Chinese institutions have actively sought to acquire advanced technologies from abroad in many sectors but lacked the appropriate legal, financial, and accounting systems and expertise to carry out the contracts. Meanwhile, Chinese institutions are reluctant to pay for foreign personnel and experts, and SOOEs often refuse to yield management control over assets and personnel, while foreign enterprises cannot hold majority stakes. See Todd M. Johnson, “Foreign Involvement in China’s Energy Sector,” in China Joins the World: Progress and Prospects, eds. Elizabeth Economy and Michel Oksenberg (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1999), 19.
Harry Harding, “China Risks and Implications for the Global Community” (Speech delivered at the Research Institute of Economy, Trade, and Industry [RIETI], Tokyo, June 22, 2006), http://www.rieti.go.jp/en/events/bbl/06062201.html.
Frank Umbach, “Future Impact of Chinese and Asian Dependency upon Energy from the Middle East and Central Asia,” in The Impact of Asian Powers on Global Developments, eds. Erich Reiter and Peter Hazdra (Heidelberg: Physica-Verlag, 2004), 155.
Li Weijian, “Zhongdong nengyuan yu Zhongguo de heping jueqi” (Middle East energy and China’s peaceful rise), Dangdai Zhongquo shihua (Petroleum & Petrochemical Today) 12, no. 9 (September 2004): 26–28 & 38.
See note 72 earlier; and Lee, “China’s Quest for Oil Security,” 289.
Li Wu, “China’s Oil Security Challenges and its Countermeasures,” Geopolitics of Energy 26, no. 11 (2004): 4.
Peter S. Goodman, “Big Shift in China’s Oil Policy,” Washington Post, July 13, 2005.
Xu Xiaojie, Xinshiji de youqi diyuan zhengzhi: Zhongguo mianlin de jiyu yu tiaozhan (Geopolitics of Oil and Gas in the New Century: A Closer Look at Challenges Facing China) (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 1998), 177–180.
Ibid., 179.
Bruce Blair, Chen Yali, and Eric Hagt, “The Oil Weapon: Myth of China’s Vulnerability,” China Security (Summer 2006): 35, 38–41.
Shen Dingli, “China’s Energy Problem and Alternative Solutions,” Journal of Contemporary China 10, no. 29 (2001): 718–719; and Chen, “Shiyou anquan cushi Zhongguo junshi waijiao biange.”
U.S. Department of Defense, “The Military Power of the People’s Republic of China” (July 19, 2006).
“China Not a Threat to World Energy Security,” People’s Daily Online, June 1, 2006, http://english.people.com.cn/200606/01/eng20060601_270323.html.
Blair, Chen, and Hagt, “The Oil Weapon,” 43.
Wu, “China’s Oil Security Challenges and its Countermeasures,” 5.
Lee, “China’s Quest for Oil Security,” 279.
Zoellick, “Whither China,” 5.
U.S. Department of Defense, “The Military Power of the People’s Republic of China” (2005), 10; and Dannreuther, “Asian Security and China’s Energy Needs,” 198–201.
Zoellick, “Whither China,” 3–4.
Herberg, “The Emergence of China throughout Asia,” 9–12; and U.S.— China Economic and Security Review Commission (USCC), USCC 2005 Annual Report (Washington, D.C.: USCC, November 2005), 176.
UNOCAL accounts for only 0.23 percent of world oil production and 0.3 percent of U.S. consumption; the company has 1.75 billion barrels of reserves, 980 million of which are in Asia and 447 million of which are in America. See Michael A. Weinstein, “UNOCAL Bid Highlights Gloabalist—Nationalist Conflict,” Asia Times Online, July 20, 2005, http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China_GG20Ad01.html.
The U.S. House of Representatives then passed a resolution with powerful support that asked President George W. Bush to review the deal. Rep. Joe Barton of Texas, a cosponsor of that resolution and chairman of the House Energy and Commerce Committee, called CNOOC a “front company for the Chinese communist government.” See Thomas Donnelly and Melissa Wisner, “Chinese Power Play,” The Weekly Standard, July 29, 2005, http://www.aei.org/include/pub_print.asp?pubID=22923.
“China Failed CNOOC—UNOCAL Deal Leaves China Scrambling for Energy Supplies,” AsiaNews, August 4, 2005, http://www.asianews.it/view_p.php?1=en&art=3855.
Zhang Ran, “Fu Chengyu xiangxi fangqi shougou UNOCAL neiqing, shougou mei zhengfu zijin” (Fu Chengyu Analyzes the Reasons Why the Bid for UNOCAL was Abandoned and Says that No Government Loan was Involved), Meiri jingji xinwen (Daily Economic News), December 8, 2005, http://www.china5e.com/news/oil/200512/200512080048.html. The energy bill was passed on July 28, 2005. One provision of the bill imposes a 120-day cooling-off period before a Chinese company may proceed on a merger with an American company.
Carolyn Bartholomew, “Statement of Carolyn Bartholomew” (Presented at the conference on Dark Clouds on the Horizon: The CNOOC—UNOCAL Controversy and Rising U.S.—China Frictions, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington, D.C., July 14, 2005).
UNOCAL holds reserves from the Gulf of Mexico to the Caspian, in Southeast Asia, Africa, Europe, and South America. Another concern is UNOCAL’s Indonesian product, which mostly goes to South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan, and may become diplomatic leverage for China and be used to establish a Chinese presence and influence throughout Southeast Asia. See Donnelly and Wisner, “Chinese Power Play.”
See note 113 earlier.
India’s ONGC Videsh Limited (OVL) has a 20 percent stake in the development and exploration of the Yadavaran field in Iran, while China holds a 50 percent stake. The China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) holds a 40 percent stake in Sudan’s Greater Nile Oil Project, while India has a 25 percent share. See Jyoti Malhotra, “India, China: Comrades in Oil,” Asia Times Online, August 19, 2005, http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/GH19Df04.html.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, “Seven Questions: China and UNOCAL” Foreign Policy (July 2005), http://www.foreignpolicy.com.
“The Dragon Tucks In,” The Economist, June 30–July 6, 2005.
There are five major risks to U.S. oil supplies: the collapse of Saudi Arabia, political instability in major oil-producing nations (especially Venezuela), natural disasters, terrorist attacks, and increased competition from China and India. See Winik, “How High Can it Go?” 4.
Adam Segal, “Encouraging China to Choose a Peaceful Path,” Wall Street Journal (August 3, 2005): 3.
Jane Morse, “China’s Growing Global Influence not a Threat, U.S. Official Says,” The Washington File, August 3, 2006, http://usinfo.state.gov/xarchives/display.html?p=washfile-english&y=2006&m=August&x=20060803162329ajesrom0.4082758.
Mamdouh G. Salameh, “The Geopolitics of Oil in the Asia-Pacific Region and its Strategic Implications,” OPEC Review: Energy Economics and Related Issues 21, no. 2 (1997): 132–143.
Sushil Seth, “China Causes ‘Cauldron of Anxiety,’” Taipei Times, October 18, 2005, 8; Evan S. Medeiros, “Strategic Hedging and the Future of Asia-Pacific Stability,” The Washington Quarterly 29, no. 1 (Winter 2005/06): 148–150. The United States is also strengthening its military ties with and arms sales to China’s neighbors such as Japan, India, Pakistan, and Taiwan. China’s growing craving for oil is involved in oil struggles and U.S.—China geopolitics in the Asia-Pacific. U.S. secretary of state Condoleezza Rice visited Central Asia in October 2005 in an effort to strengthen U.S. influence there as part of competition with China for energy in the Middle East and Central Asia. See note 68 earlier.
U.S. Department of Energy, “Energy Secretary Abraham, Beijing Energy Minister Sign Green Olympic Protocol” (January 12, 2004), http://www.energy.gov/engine/content.do?PUBLIC_ID=14760&BT_CODE=PR_PRESSRELEASES&TT_CODE=PRESSRELEASE.
U.S. Department of Energy, “Energy Secretary Abraham Signs Agreement with China’s National Development and Reform Commission” (May 23, 2004), http://www.energy.gov/engine/content.do?PUBLIC_ID=15941&BT_CODE=PR_PRESSRELEASES&TT_CODE=PRESSRELEASE.
Susan Krause, “Washington Official Urges Increased U.S.—China Energy Security Cooperation,” The Washington File, August 6, 2006, http://usinfo.state.gov/xarchives/display.html?p=washfile-english&y=2006&m=August&x=20060806115016ASesuarK0.2069513; and Fredriksen, “China’s Role in the World,” 9.
Jane Morse, “U.S., China Explore Joint Efforts for Tackling Global Concerns,” The Washington File, August 18, 2006, http://usinfo.state.gov/xarchives/display.html?p=washfile-english&y=2006&m=August&x=20060818171848esromaj2.586001e-02.
The related dialogues of energy include Joint Commission on Science and Technology (between the U.S. director of the Office of Science and Technology Policy and the Chinese Ministry of Science and Technology), the Economic Development and Reform Dialogue (between the U.S. Department of State and China’s National Development and Reform Commission), the Global Issues Forum (between the U.S. Department of State and China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs), and the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (it brings together China, the United States, Australia, India, Japan, and Korea), and so on. Please see “Fact Sheet Creation of the U.S.-China Strategic Economic Dialogue,” the U.S. Department of Treasury, September 20, 2006, http://www.ustreas.gov/press/releases/hp107.htm.
Fredriksen, “China’s Role in the World,” 9–10.
Ibid.
The United States promotes initiatives such as Sustainable and Flexible Energy (SAFE) or the Asia Oil and Gas Conference (AOGC). The SAFE system involves leading consumers such as India, China, Japan, and South Korea, and the Central Asian producers including Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan. See Pallab Bhattacharya, “Asian Nations Agree on Integrated Gas Grid,” The Daily Star, November 27, 2005, http://www.bangladesh-web.com/news/view.php?hidDate-2005–11-288chidType=TOP8chidRecord=0000000000000000074078. AOGC, launched in 1996, has evolved into an annual meeting held in Kuala Lumpur, which offers a venue for industry leaders, specialists, and decision makers to discuss issues and challenges confronting the oil and gas industry. See “Asian Countries Urged to Cooperate in Energy Diplomacy,” China Economic Net, June 14, 2005, http://en.ce.cn/World/Asia-Pacific/200506/14/t20050614_4005795.shtml.
Paul Kelly, “U.S. Seeks New Path to China,” Australian, December 10 2005.
USCC, USCC 2005 Annual Report, 176.
Medeiros, “Strategic Hedging and the Future of Asia-Pacific Stability,” 153–154.
Zheng Bijian, “China’s ‘Peaceful Rise’ to Great-Power Status,” Foreign A ffairs 84, no. 5 (September/October 2005): 22–24; Avery Goldstein, “China’s Grand Strategy and U.S. Foreign Policy” (Foreign Policy Research Institute, September 27, 2005), http://www.fpri.org/enotes/20050927.asia.goldstein.chinagrandstrategy.html; and Wang Jisi, “China’s Search for Stability with America,” Foreign Affairs 84, no. 5 (September/October 2005): 47–48.
“China, U.S. Agree to Enhance Cooperation on Global Issues,” People’s Daily Online, August 10, 2006, http://english.people.com.cn/200608/10/eng20060810_291873.html.
Steve A. Yetiv, Crude Awakenings: Global Oil Security and American Foreign Policy (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2004), 138.
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Yao, Y.A. (2009). China’s Mercantilist Oil Strategy and its Implications for U.S.—China Relations. In: Lai, H. (eds) Asian Energy Security. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230619609_4
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