Abstract
Nationalism emerged in Scotland and Flanders as a critique of the legitimate right of the central state to govern these regions. Nationalists argued that only by achieving self-government could their regions successfully undo the consequences of lengthy histories of mismanagement, apathy, and even abuse directed against their economies, cultures, and resources. The nation or region, it was argued, should be sovereign over its own affairs.
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Notes
Robert Ladrech, “Europeanisation of Domestic Politics and Institutions: The Case of France,” Journal ofCommon Market Studies 32, no. 1 (1994): 69. I encountered Ladrech’s definition in
Elizabeth Bomberg, “The Europeanisation of Green Parties: Exploring the EU’s Impact,” West European Politics 25, no. 3 (2002): 31. Bomberg offers a comprehensive discussion of the difficulties with deploying Europeanization as an explanatory variable; I use the term solely as a descriptor of the transformation of party ideology and activities in the context of European integration.
See Peter Lynch, Minority Nationalism and European Integration (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1996), 25–26.
Ibid., 27.
Minutes of the National Conference of the Scottish National Party, 1948; cited in ibid., 28.
See Andrew Marr, The Battle for Scotland (Penguin: London, 1992), 95.
James Mitchell quotes SNP member George Dott, who argued in the 1950s: “We are a European people … Let us stand by the folk with whom we have a genuine common interest—let us create a European authority.” See James Mitchell, Strategies for Self-Government (Edinburgh: Polygon, 1996), 194.
Figures in James Kellas, The Scottish Political System (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 105–6.
See James Mitchell, “Member State or Euro-Region? The SNP, Plaid Cymru and Europe,” (manuscript, 1997).
The dictionary definition of the word “diets” is “medieval Dutch,” and I would translate “Dietsland” as “that territory where Dutch was spoken.” This refers to a territory including the Netherlands and Flanders (including Brussels, a historically Flemish city with a French-speaking majority at the present time); in addition, since the 1930s some right-wing Flemish nationalists have interpreted the idea of a Greater Netherlands to include the French-speaking areas of the Low Countries during the reign of Hapsburg emperor Charles V. See note 1 in “The Ten Commandments of the Flemish Nationalist [1922],” in The Flemish Movement: A Documentary History, 1780–1990, ed. Theo Hermans, Louis Vos, and Lode Wils (London and Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Athlone Press, 1992), 263.
Hugo Gijsels and Jos Vander Velpen, Le Chagrin des Flamands: Le Vlaams Blok de 1938 à nos jours (Brussels: Editions EPO, 1992), 31. This section draws extensively on Le Chagrin des Flamands.
Ibid., 43.
Scottish National Party, It’s Time … Supplement to the Election Manifesto of the Scottish National Party—September 1974 (Edinburgh: Scottish National Party, 1974), 1, 7.
Interview with Margaret Ewing, SNP MP for Moray and Nairn, London, March 28, 1996.
See David Butler and Uwe Kitzinger, The 1975 Referendum (London: Macmillan, 1976), 150–52.
Stewart noted that nearly half the fish landed in Britain came into Scottish ports. See Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 5th ser., vol. 889 (1974–75), col. 884 on the CAP; col. 885 on fisheries.
Ibid., col. 1113.
Party divisions were apparent at a special conference in April 1975, when a statement by the National Executive Committee calling for Labour to campaign for withdrawal from the EC was passed by a nearly two to one majority. See Labour Party, “Labour and the Common Market: Report of a Special Conference of the Labour Party, Islington, London, 26 April 1975,” in Labour Party Pamphlets 1973–75 (London: Labour Party, 1975), 1–43.
Christopher Harvie, Scotland and Nationalism: Scottish Society and Politics 1707–1994 (London and New York: Routledge, 1994), 190. Also noted in the interview with Ewing, 1996.
See Christopher Harvie, No Gods and Precious Few Heroes: Scotland Since1914 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1993), 162.
In the late 1940s, steel accounted for one-fifth of the exports of Belgium, and the country’s leaders did not meant that the country was in a very weak negotiating position. For an account of the Belgian position on the creation of the ECSC and its predecessor, the International Authority for the Ruhr, see Alan S. Milward, The Reconstruction ofWestern Europe, 1945–51 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984), 154, 409, 415–16.
See Jonathan E. Helmreich, Belgium and Europe: A Study in Small Power Diplomacy (The Hague: Mouton, 1976), 389–90.
Quoted in ibid., 389.
Ibid., 390.
See the statement of the Aktiekomitee Vlaanderen (Action Committee of Flanders), “More Autonomy, a Better Democracy [1990],” in ibid., 459.
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© 2008 Janet Laible
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Laible, J. (2008). Nationalists and Europe: Initial Encounters. In: Separatism and Sovereignty in the New Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230617001_4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230617001_4
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