Skip to main content

In Defense of Images: Christian Church and Religious “Art”

  • Chapter
Heritage or Heresy
  • 138 Accesses

Abstract

Early Christianity Was Hostile to Images. So Goes the Standard argument. This presupposition provided another strong argument for the destruction in the sixteenth century. It assumes continuity with Jewish traditions based on the Decalogue that forbade sacred art, like the argument of the Byzantine iconoclasts. Pitting Jerusalem against Athens and Rome, while excluding artisan traditions from the ancient Middle East where Christianity also thrived (Syria, Egypt, Persia, Parthia, or Palestine, for example), this presupposition informed the outbreaks of destruction of religious images and buildings in Western Christianity. Thus, many scholars, like the reformers who wrote against “idolatry” during the Reformation period, at least since the nineteenth century, have argued that early Christians were aniconic. This assumption remains much alive.2 In his 1990 magisterial book, Likeness and Presence, Hans Belting wrote, without any qualifications, as if it were a statement of fact, “We should always keep in mind that in the beginning, the Christian religion did not allow for any concession in its total rejection of the religious image, especially the image demanding veneration.”3

For a picture is provided in churches for the reason that those who are illiterate may at least read by looking at the walls what they cannot read in books.

—Gregory the Great1

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 39.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD 54.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info
Hardcover Book
USD 54.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. For the argument for deeply anti-image foundations of early Christianity, see Hugo Koch, Die altchristliche Bilderfrage nach den literarischen Quellen (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1917); for the Jewish matrix as the foundation for this anti-image position, see Ernest Renan, Histoire des Origines du Christianisme 7: Marc-Aurèle et la fin du monde antique (Paris: Michel Livy, 1863), 539ff. Also, E. Kitzinger, “The Cult of Images in the Age before Iconoclasm,” reviews a number of Christian attacks against images in the first five centuries of Christianity; R. A. Markus, “The Cult of Icons in Sixth-Century Gaul,” repr. from Journal of Theological Studies 29 (1978), pp. 151–57 in From Augustine to Gregory the Great: History and Christianity in Late Antiquity (London: Variorum Reprints, 1983), XII; John Beckwith, Early Christian and Byzantine Art (New York: Penguin, 1979); Barnard, Graeco-Roman and Oriental Background of the Iconoclastic Controversy, 51–64, 89–91; Norman H. Baynes, “Idolatry and the Early Church,” in Byzantine Studies and Other Essays (London: Athlone, 1955), 116–43.

    Google Scholar 

  2. See, for example, Jensen, “The Character of Early Christian Iconography,” in Understanding Early Christian Art, 8–31; Freedberg, “The Myth of Aniconism,” in The Power of Images, 54–81; André Grabar, Christian Iconography: A Study of Its Origins (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1968) for the Greco-Roman origins of Paleo-Christian art; also see Paul Corby Finney, The Invisible God: The Earliest Christians on Art (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); Mary Charles Murray, “Art and the Early Church,” in JTS, n.s., 28, pt. 2, October, 1977, pp. 303–45; see also Louth, St. John Damascene, 195–96.

    Google Scholar 

  3. See Vincenzo Fiocchi Nicolai, Fabrizio Bisconti, and Danilo Mazzoleni, The Christian Catacombs of Rome: History, Decoration, Inscriptions (Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, 1999), 9–13; L. V. Rutgers, Subterranean Rome: In Search of the Roots of Christianity in the Catacombs of the Eternal City (Leuven: Peeters, 2000).

    Google Scholar 

  4. Lactantius, De Mortibus persecutorum, 1:11–13, pp.89–92; see also Curran, Pagan City and Christian Capital, 35–69; Robert M. Grant, Augustus to Constantine: The Rise and Triumph of Christianity in the Roman World (London: Westminster John Knox, 2004), 226–32.

    Google Scholar 

  5. See Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, who argues that Christianity was a “respectable institution” at the time of Constantine’s conversion pp. 21, 49–54, and 144–45). H. A. Drake, Constantine and the Bishops: the Politics of Intolerance (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000) estimates the population of Christians at six million, about 10 percent of the entire population of the empire (pp. 73, 109–10).

    Google Scholar 

  6. See Lee I. Levine, The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000); Freedberg, “The Myth of Aniconism.” Also, Moshe Dothan, Hammath Tiberias, Vol. 1 Early Synagogues (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1983); Steven Fine, Art and Judaism in the Greco-Roman World: Toward a New Jewish Archaeology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

    Google Scholar 

  7. Grabar, Christian Iconography; Finney, Invisible God; Finney, “Antecedents of Byzantine Iconoclasm: Christian Evidence Before Constantine,” in Image and the Word, 38–39; Charles Murray, “Art and the Early Church”; Jeffrey Spier, Picturing the Bible: The Earliest Christian Art (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007); Jeffrey Spier, Late Antique and Early Christian Gems (Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 2007).

    Google Scholar 

  8. See “Cubicles of the Sacraments,” www.catacombe.roma.it/en/cubicoli.html; see also Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art, 32–93; Robert Milburn, Early Christian Art and Architecture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 1–43; Fabrizio Bisconti, “The Decoration of Roman Catacombs,” in The Christian Catacombs of Rome: History, 71–145.

    Google Scholar 

  9. Clement of Alexandria, Christ the Educator, trans. Simon P. Wood in Fathers of the Church 23 (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America, 1954), bk. 3, chap. 11, p. 246; G. W. Butterworth, “Clement of Alexandria and Art,” JTS 17 (1916): 68–76.

    Google Scholar 

  10. See Grabar, Christian Iconography, 20–26, and illustrations 40–43; Levine, Ancient Synagogue, 236–37; C. Hopkins, “The Christian Church”; and P. V. C. Baur, “The Paintings in the Christian Chapel,” in Christian Church at Dura-Europos (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1934).

    Google Scholar 

  11. See Kurt Weitzmann and Herbert L. Kessler, The Frescoes of the Dura Synagogue and Christian Art (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1990), 15–84.

    Google Scholar 

  12. For a brilliant and persuasive essay on this topic, see Charles Barber, “The Truth in Painting: Iconoclasm and Identity in Early-Medieval Art,” Speculum 72 (1997): 1019–36.

    Google Scholar 

  13. Rev. Pere Basile Vanmaele, Leglise Pudentienne de Rome (Santa Pudenziana) (Louvain: E. Warny, 1965).

    Google Scholar 

  14. See Dina dalla Barba Brusin, “Una probabile ‘aedes catechizandorum’ nell’ ipogeo di S. Maria in Stelle in Val Pantena,” Aquileia Nostra 48 (1978), 257–72.

    Google Scholar 

  15. For Theodore as the organizer (site manager) in this period for Aquileids cult sites, see Giuseppe Cuscito, “Vescovo e Cattedrale nella Documentazione Epigrafica in Occidente,” in Actes du Xle Congres International dArchdologie Chrétienne (Rome: Vatican City, 1989), vol.1:737–41.

    Google Scholar 

  16. For Aquileids development from the fourth through fifth centuries, see Sergio Tavano, “Patriarchi: Titoli e Segni,” and Luisa Bertacchi, “Le fasi architettoniche del complesso episcopale di Aquileia nelle variazioni dei mosaici,” both in Aquileia e il Suo Patriarcato: Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studio (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 2000), 11–32, 67–74; for an analysis of the animal iconography, see Antonio Quacquarelli, “Note Esegetiche sui Pavimenti Musivi delle Basiliche Teodoriane di Aquileia: Il Bestiarius,”’ in Aquileia nel IV Secolo, vol. II, 429–62 (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1982).

    Google Scholar 

  17. See Elizabeth Struthers Malbon, The Iconography of the Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990) for a complete discussion of the iconographical schema of the sarcophagus and other contemporary examples.

    Google Scholar 

  18. See Carlo Capponi, ed., LAmbone di SantAmbrogio (Milan: Silvana, 2000), 29–34.

    Google Scholar 

  19. Plato, “Phaedo,” in Plato I, with English trans. by Harold North Fowler (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980), 252–69.

    Google Scholar 

  20. See Plotinus, “On the Intelligible Beauty,” in Ennead V, ed. G. P. Gould, trans. A. H. Armstrong (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), 233–81.

    Google Scholar 

  21. Origen, Contre Celse, in SC vols. 132, 136, 147, 150, 227, Greek ed., intro., and French trans. by Marcel Borret (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1967–76), vol. 4 [150], 7.62, pp. 158–60.

    Google Scholar 

  22. Eusebius of Caesarea, La Préparation évanélique, in SC 228, intro., Greek text, and French trans. by Edouard des Places (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1976–87), vol. 2 [228], bk. 3.7, pp.180–85.

    Google Scholar 

  23. Augustine, The City of God Against the Pagans, vol. 2, trans. William M. Green (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963), 4.30, pp. 114–15.

    Google Scholar 

  24. See L’Abbé L. Duchesne, ed. intro. and comm., Liber Pontificalis, 3 vols. (Paris: E. De Boccard, 1955), vol. 1:170–201; for the English, see Raymond Davis, trans. and intro., The Book of Pontiff.s (Liber Pontificalis): The Ancient Biographies of the First Ninety Roman Bishops to AD 715 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1989), 14–26; Richard Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals: Topography and Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); W. H. C. Frend, The Rise of Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984); Robin Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1987); Robert David Sack, Human Territoriality: Its Theory and History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).

    Google Scholar 

  25. “Placuit picturas in ecclesia esse non debere, ne quod colitur et adoratur in parietibus depingatur,” Jose Vives, Concilios Visigóticos e Hispano-Romanos I (Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1963), 8.

    Google Scholar 

  26. Tertullian, De Idololatria, critical text, trans., and comm. by J. H. Waszink and J. C. M. Van Winden (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1987), 3:1–4, pp. 26–27.

    Google Scholar 

  27. Tertullian, Scorpiace, ed. Giovanna Azzali Bernardelli (Florence: Nardini, 1990), secs. 2–3, pp. 66–84. See Timothy David Barnes, Tertullian: A Historical and Literary Study (Oxford: Clarendon, 1985), 96–102, 172–73.

    Google Scholar 

  28. Epiphanius’ reputed documents are printed in Georg Ostrogorsky, Studien zur Geschichte des byzantinischen Bilderstreites (Amsterdam: A. M. Hakkert, 1964), 67, 68–69, 71–72. They are translated in Mango, Art of the Byzantine Empire, 41–43. Whether the texts are authentic still remains a matter of dispute. See Brubaker and Haldon, Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, 253, 253n38.

    Google Scholar 

  29. See Saint Paulinus of Nola, The Poems of St. Paulinus of Nola, in Ancient Christian Writers 40, trans. and annotated by P. G. Walsh (New York: Newman, 1975), “Poem 27,” cols.289–92; Paulinus of Nola “Carmen 27,” in PaulinusChurches at Nola, ed. R. C. Goldschmidt (Amsterdam: N. V. Noord-Hollandsche, 1940).

    Google Scholar 

  30. Basil of Caesarea, Sur le Saint-Esprit, in SC 17, Greek ed., intro., and French trans. by Benoit Pruche (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1968), 18:45, pp. 406–7; for John Chrysostom, see In dictum Pauli, Nolo vos ignorare, in PG 51, cols. 247–48; Ad illuminandos catechesis in PG 49, col. 233.

    Google Scholar 

  31. For the transformation of art from pagan images to Christian symbols, see Jas Elsner, Art and the Roman Viewer: The Transformation of Art from the Pagan World to Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 190–245.

    Google Scholar 

  32. Herbert L. Kessler, Spiritual Seeing: Picturing Gods Invisibility in Medieval Art (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000), 1–28.

    Google Scholar 

  33. See Pierre Manent, The City of Man, trans. Marc A. LePain (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998) for how the Enlightenment installed this idea of the “tradition of novelty” (5–49).

    Google Scholar 

  34. See Jeffrey E Hamburger, “The Place of Theology in Medieval Art History: Problems, Positions, Possibilities,” in The Minds Eye: Art and Theological Argument in the Middle Ages, ed. Jeffrey F. Hamburger and Anne-Marie Bouche (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006), 14–15.

    Google Scholar 

  35. For an article that reviews the use and misuse of Gregory’s argument over the last fourteen hundred years, see Lawrence G. Duggan, “Was Art Really the ‘Book of the Illiterate’?’” Word and Image 5, no. 3 (july–September 1989), 227–51; also see R. A. Markus, Gregory the Great and His World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 175–77.

    Google Scholar 

  36. References to this idea are too numerous to list, but see Kitzinger, “The Cult of Images”; Grabar, Christian Iconography; Kenneth Clark, Moments of Vision and Other Essays (New York: Harper & Row, 1981), 41. For excellent articles on the whole question of pictures as books for the illiterate, to which I am profoundly indebted, see Michael Camille, “Seeing and Reading: Some Visual Implications of Medieval Literacy and Illiteracy,” Art History 8, no. 1 (1985), 26–49; Michael Camille, “The Gregorian Definition Revisited: Writing and the Medieval Image,” in L’Image, 89–107; Celia M. Chazelle, “Pictures, books, and the illiterate: Pope Gregory I’s letters to Serenus of Marseilles,” Word and Image 6, no. 2 (April–June 1990), 138–53; Duggan, “Was Art Really the ‘Book of the Illiterate’?”’ 227–51; Herbert L. Kessler, “Diction in the ‘Bibles of the Illiterate,”’ in World Art: Themes of Unity in Diversity, 3 vols, ed. Irving Lavin (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989), 2:297–308.

    Google Scholar 

  37. Augustine, De Doctrina Christiana, ed. Joseph Martin, in CCSL 32 (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 1962), 7–9, pp. 1–167.

    Google Scholar 

  38. See Margaret Aston, “Imageless devotion: what kind of an ideal?” in Pragmatic Utopias: Ideals and Communities 1200–1630, ed. Rosemary Horrox and Sarah Rees Jones (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 189.

    Google Scholar 

  39. For discussions of Augustine’s theory of signs and his rhetorical training, see Brian Stock, Augustine the Reader: Meditation, Self-Knowledge, and the Ethics of Interpretation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996); John M. Rist, Augustine: Ancient Thought Baptized (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 23–40; Erich Auerbach, Literary Language & its Public in Late Latin Antiquity and in the Middle Ages, trans. Ralph Manheim (New York: Pantheon Books, 1965); George A. Kennedy, Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980); Mark D. Jordan, “Words and Word: Incarnation and Signification in Augustine’s De Doctrina Christiana,” Augustinian Studies 11 (1980): 177–96; Brenda Schildgen, “Augustine’s Answer to Jacques Derrida in the De Doctrina Christiana,” New Literary History 25, no. 2 (Spring, 1994), 383–97; Marcia L. Colish, The Mirror of Language: A Study in the Medieval Theory of Knowledge (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1968), 8–81.

    Google Scholar 

  40. For a very brilliant essay on this subject, see P. A. Mariaux, “L’Image selon Gregoire le Grand et la question de 1’art missionnaire,” Cristianesimo nella Storia 14 (1993): 1–12; see also Hamburger, “The Place of Theology,” in Minds Eye, Camille, “The Gregorian Definition Revisited,” 92–93; Carole Straw, Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfection (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 42. Also, I agree with Chazelle when she links Gregory’s thinking with Augustine’s on interpreting signs in the De Doctrina Christiana, in “Pictures, Books, and the Illiterate,” in Word and Image, 145–47.

    Google Scholar 

  41. Augustine, De Catechizandis Rudibus, in CCSL 46 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1969).

    Google Scholar 

  42. Gregoire le Grand, Rigle Pastorale, Latin text ed. Floribert Rommel, trans. into French by Charles Morel, and intro. and notes by Bruno Judic, in SC 381–82 (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1992), 79–84. For the influence of Augustine on Gregoty, and particularly of the De Catechizandis rudibus and the De Doctrina Christiana on Gregoty’s Rule for Pastors, see Judic, “Introduction Gregoire le Grand, Rigle Pastorale, 39–56.

    Google Scholar 

  43. For a discussion of the Augustinian elements in the Regula, see Vera Paronetto, “Une presence augustinienne chez Gregoire le Grand: le De Catechizandis rudibus dans la Regula pastoralis,” in Gregoire leGrand, ed. Jacques Fontaine, Robert Gillet, and Stan Pellistrandi (Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1986), 511–19.

    Google Scholar 

  44. “Unde praecipue gentibus pro lectione pictura est … inter genres habitas. … Quando ergo ad ovile dominicum errantes oves adducas, qui quas habes retinere non praevales.” Gregory, Registrum epistolarum, CCSL 140–140A, Letter 11:10. For evangelization and the situation in which the letters were written, see Herbert L. Kessler, “Pictorial Narrative and Church Mission in Sixth-Century Gaul,” in Pictorial Narrative in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, ed. Herbert L. Kessler and Marianna Shreve Simpson, in Studies in the History of Art 16 (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 1985), 75–91.

    Google Scholar 

  45. For more on this idea in Gregory’s approach to scripture and its relationship to reading signs, see R. A. Markus, “World and Text in Ancient Christianity II: Gregory the Great,” in Signs and Meanings: World and Text in Ancient Christianity (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1996), 45–70.

    Google Scholar 

  46. See Louth, St. John Damascene, 3–14; Louth’s book on John Damascene has been essential to this discussion. See also Thomas E X. Noble, “John Damascene and the History of the Iconoclastic Controversy,” in Religion, Culture, and Society in the Early Middle Ages, Studies in Honor of Richard E. Sullivan, ed. Thomas F. X. Noble and John J. Contreni (Kalamazoo, Michigan: Medieval Institute Publications, 1987), 95–116.

    Google Scholar 

  47. William Roper, Lyfe of Sir Thomas Moore, knighte, ed. E. V. Hitchcock, in Early English Texts Society, Original Series 197 (London: Oxford University Press, 1935).

    Google Scholar 

  48. William Tyndale, An Answer to Sir Thomas Mores Dialogue (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1850), 62, 125, 143. For an elaboration on this idea of purgatory as a “poet’s fable,” see Greenblatt, Hamlet in Purgatory.

    Google Scholar 

  49. Gabriele Paleotti, “Discorso intorno alle imagini sacre e profane,” in Trattati dArte del Cinquecento fra Manierismo e Controriforma, 3 vols., ed. Paola Barocchi (Bari: Giuseppe Laterza e Figli, 1960–62), 2:69–71, 117–509, especially Libro 2.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Authors

Copyright information

© 2008 Brenda Deen Schildgen

About this chapter

Cite this chapter

Schildgen, B.D. (2008). In Defense of Images: Christian Church and Religious “Art”. In: Heritage or Heresy. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230613157_4

Download citation

Publish with us

Policies and ethics