At the time of this writing, four years after the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, the news story about the looted Iraq National Museum has largely faded from collective U.S. consciousness (if it was ever a part of it at all). In its place, daily coverage of sectarian violence (the euphemism most sources seem to have settled on to describe the intense war and militarism that now characterize Iraqi life) dominates the news media, while U.S. presidential hopefuls negotiate their relationship to an increasingly unpopular war. Meanwhile, narratives about the sectarian violence in Iraq renew and redeploy the Eurocentric trope of civilization insofar as Iraq is now described as the chaotic home to several squabbling tribes, namely the Sunni, the Shi’a, and the Kurds, regardless of the way in which such a simplistic characterization obscures the complexities of Iraqi life under U.S. occupation.


Muslim Womanhood Muslim World Sectarian Division Afghan Woman Daily Coverage 
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  2. 2.
    See, for example, the impact of the categories of the “inadequate Palestinian mother,” the “super-oppressed Arab woman,” and the “nameless veiled woman” on mainstream discourses about Palestine in Naber, Desouky, and Baroudi, “The Fogotten ‘-ism’.”Google Scholar
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    Kahf, Western Representations of the Muslim Woman, 176.Google Scholar
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    For more on the process of racialization for Arab Americans, see Jamal and Naber, Race and Arab Americans; Alsultany, “Changing Profile of Race in the United States.”Google Scholar
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    Sandoval describes this as the act of “meta-ideologizing,” which can “restore consciousness to history” in Methodology of the Oppressed, 110–111.Google Scholar

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© Amira Jarmakani 2008

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