Abstract
The imposition of martial law by General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan on 25 March 1969 brought the military back to power unimpeded by any constitutional or popular check. The response of the politically active circles was generally positive as most were happy to get rid of Ayub Khan and they viewed the second military regime as a transitional arrangement that would lead to the establishment of a participatory political process. The students, labour, the urban unemployed and other alienated groups that were the mainstay of the anti-Ayub agitation went back to their routine which restored peace and order in the society and revived economic activity. However, this was not the acceptance of military rule; it was a wait-and-see situation that temporarily calmed these elements and gave some political space to the new military rulers.
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Notes
G.W. Choudhury, The Last Days of United Pakistan (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1974), p. 57.
Fazal Muqeem Khan, Pakistan’s Crisis in Leadership (Islamabad: National Book Foundation, 1973), p. 20.
Mohammad Waseem, Politics and the State in Pakistan (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1994), pp. 244–5.
Safdar Mahmood, Pakistan Divided (Lahore: Ferozsons, 1984), pp. 38–41
Ralph Braibanti, Research on the Bureaucracy of Pakistan (Durham: Duke University Press, 1966), p. 49
Khalid Bin Sayeed, Pakistan: The Formative Phase, 1958–1948 (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 275
Richard D. Lambert, ‘Factors in Bengali Regionalism in Pakistan’, Far Eastern Survey (Vol. XXV11, No. 4, April 1959), pp. 49–58.
These figures have been taken from the official statements of the government of Pakistan in the National Assembly in July 1965 and June 1967. See, for details on the Bengali representation in the military Hasan Askari Rizvi, The Military and Politics in Pakistan, 1947–86 (Lahore: Progressive Publishers, 1987), pp. 137–8.
Hasan Askari Rizvi, Internal Strife and External Intervention: India’s Role in the Civil Strife in East Pakistan (Bangladesh) (Lahore: Progressive Publishers, 1981), p. 90
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, 6-point Formula: Our Right to Live (Dhaka: General Secretary, East Pakistan Awami League, 1966), p. 1.
Wayne Wilcox, The Emergence of Bangladesh (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1973), p. 19.
Rehman Sobhan, ‘Negotiating for Bangladesh: A Participant’s View’, South Asian Review (Vol. 4, No. 4, July 1971), pp. 315–26.
For Bhutto’s point of view, see Z.A. Bhutto, The Great Tragedy (Karachi: Pakistan People’s Party, 1971), pp. 21–6
See, David Dunbar, ‘Pakistan: The Failure of Political Negotiations’, Asian Survey (Vol. XII, No. 5, May 1972), pp. 444–61
Robert Jackson, South Asian Crisis: India, Pakistan and Bangladesh (New York: Praeger, 1975), p. 25.
A.R. Siddiqi, The Military in Pakistan: Image and Reality (Lahore: Vanguard Books, 1996), p. 189
Zillur R. Khan, Leadership in the Least Developed Nation: Bangladesh (Syracuse: Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University, 1983), p. 36.
While surrendering in East Pakistan on 16 December, the Yahya regime vowed to carry on the war in the west. However, a day later, it agreed to a ceasefire. For territorial gains and losses and the POWs, see Hasan Askari Rizvi, Pakistan and the Geostrategic Environment: A Study of Foreign Policy (London: Macmillan, 1993), pp. 23
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© 2000 Hasan-Askari Rizvi
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Rizvi, HA. (2000). The Second Military Regime. In: Military, State and Society in Pakistan. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230599048_7
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230599048_7
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