Abstract
What was it like to work in the ‘medical marketplace’ of early modern London? How did medical practitioners interact with each other? How did they obtain, treat and cure patients? Studies of early modern medical marketplaces over the last three decades have shattered old accounts that emphasized the small scale of the medical sector, its dominance by an elite of learned physicians, and the importance of institutional, professional and theoretical boundaries between groups of medical practitioners. In their place, historians of English medicine have described a situation in which professional controls were either absent or contested, and where ‘occupational diversity’ was the norm. Above all, they have shown medical practitioners competing with each other in a‘market-place’ that was influenced but not defined by institutions, patronage and law.1 Arguably, it is competition that most clearly distinguishes the medical marketplace from other systems of health care, such as domestic provision, socialized medicine, and, particularly, professionalized medicine — in which competition is normally constrained by entry controls and prohibitions on advertising, poaching patients and discounting. Where competition was limited, as in those parts of early modern Europe where occupational and regulatory institutions were stronger, historians have developed alternatives to the medical marketplace that reflect the more constrained form of practice they observe.2
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Notes
Notable examples include: Cook, Decline; M. Pelling, The Common Lot (1998); idem, Conflicts; Porter, Progress; Porter, Health. On the legal constraints to the marketplace: C. Crawford, ‘Patients’ Rights and the Law of Contract in Eighteenth-Century England,’ SHM, 13 (2000), 381–410. On problems with interpretations of the effects of competition, see Wilson in this volume.
Park’s more corporatist ‘medical marketplace’ was the first instance of this: K. Park, Doctors and Medicine in Early Renaissance Florence (Princeton, 1985).
See also: D. Gentilcore, Healers and Healing in Early Modern Italy (Manchester, 1998);
L. Brockliss and C. Jones, The Medical World of Early Modern France (Oxford, 1997).
On contracts: G. Pomata, Contracting a Cure (Baltimore, 1998); Pelling, Conflicts.
Associations have been discussed by a small number of historians: M. Pelling, ‘Defensive Tactics: Networking by Female Medical Practitioners in Early Modem London’, in A. Shepard and P. Withington eds, Communities in Early Modem England (Manchester, 2000);
R. C. Sawyer, ‘Patients, Healers, and Disease in the Southeast Midlands, 1597–1634’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1986);
R. G. Frank, ‘Medicine’, in N. Tyacke ed., The History of the University of Oxford. Vol IV (Oxford, 1997), 540. See also: Park, Doctors, 109–117.
C. Muldrew, The Economy of Obligation (Basingstoke, 1998);
M. Sonenscher, Work and Wages (Cambridge, 1991), 138, 140;
J. R. Farr, ‘On the Shop Floor: Guilds, Artisans and the European Market Economy’, Journal of Early Modern History, 1 (1997); M. P. Davies, ‘The Tailors of London and Their Guild, c.1300–1500’ (D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford, 1994), ch. 6.
J. O. Appleby, Economic Thought and Ideology in Seventeenth-Century England (Princeton, 1978);
R. S. DuPlessis and M.C. Howell, ‘Reconsidering the Early Modern Urban Economy: The Cases of Leiden and Lille’, P&P, 94 (1982), 49–84.
S. Shapin, A Social History of Truth (Chicago, 1994), 355–407.
On apothecaries: P. Wallis, ‘Medicines for London: The Trade, Regulation and Lifecycle of London Apothecaries, c. 1610—c. 1670’. (D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford, 2002), 164, 170. On barber-surgeons: Pelling, Common Lot, 217.
H. J. Cook, Trials of an Ordinary Doctor (Baltimore, 1994), 133–4;
M. Pelling, ‘Knowledge Common and Acquired: The Education of Unlicensed Medical Practitioners in Early Modern London’, in V. Nutton and R. Porter eds, The History of Medical Education in Britain (1995), 250–79.
For various examples, see: GL, MS 5057/5, f. 31; L. M. Beier. ‘SeventeenthCentury English Surgery: The Casebook of Joseph Binns’, in C. Lawrence ed., Medical Theory, Surgical Practice (1992), 48–84; Sawyer, ‘Patients, Healers, and Disease’, 100, 110. See also: Annals, iii, 328.
One rare example is John Symcotts and Gervase Fullwood: F. N. L. Poynter and W. J. Bishop, A Seventeenth Century Doctor and His Patients (Streatley, 1951), xxvi.
Annals, iii, 443: D. Evenden, The Midwives of Seventeenth-Century London (Cambridge, 2000), 95.
Annals, iii, 314–15; R. Palmer, ‘Pharmacy in the Republic of Venice in the Sixteenth Century’, in A. Wear, R. French and I. M. Lonie eds, The Medical Renaissance of the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, 1985), 105–106.
Annals, iii, 157, 163. On Read: W. Munk, The Roll of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 5 vols (1878–1965), i, 183–4.
Maden or Muden apparently had taken an MD abroad. He later moved to Devon: R. S. Roberts, ‘The London Apothecaries and Medical Practice in Tudor and Stuart England’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1964), 271;
Maden or Muden apparently had taken an MD abroad. He later moved to Devon: R. S. Roberts, ‘The London Apothecaries and Medical Practice in Tudor and Stuart England’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1964), 271; R. S. Roberts, ‘The Personnel and Practice of Medicine in Tudor and Stuart England: Part II London’ MH, 8 (1964), 375.
Annals, iii, 313–14. For similar examples from France: M. Ramsey, Professional and Popular Medicine in France, 1770–1830 (Cambridge, 1988), 282.
N. Hodges, Vindicae Medicinae & Medicorum (1665), 53.
M. Pelling. ‘Thoroughly Resented? Older Women and the Medical Role in Early Modern London’, in L. Hunter and S. Hutton eds, Women, Science and Medicine 1500–1700 (Stroud, 1997), 74–5; Pelling, ‘Defensive Tactics’, 50.
GL, MS 8200/1, f. 337r. B. Nance, Turquet De Mayerne as Baroque Physician (Amsterdam, 2001), 37, 156;
F. N. L. Poynter, Gideon Delaune and His Family Circle (London, 1965);
M. Barber, Directory of Medical Licenses Issued by the Archbishop of Canterbury, 2 vols (Lambeth Palace Library, typescript, 1997–2000), ii, no. 992.
Pelling, Conflicts, 182; F. Dawbarn, ‘New Light on Dr Thomas Moffet’, MH, 47 (2003), 11–12.
See also: A. Wear, Knowledge and Practice in English Medicine, 1550–1680 (Cambridge, 2000), 47, n. 6.
J. Aubrey, Aubrey’s Brief Lives, ed. O. L. Dick (1949), 132.
Magali Larson, in particular, has argued that the difficulty of commodifying learning and advice was a problem which beset pre-professional medicine: M. S. Larson, The Rise of Professionalism (Berkeley, 1977), 14–15.
See, G. Chaucer, The Riverside Chaucer, ed. L. D. Benson and F. N. Robinson, 3rd edn (Oxford, 1987), 30;
C. Rawcliffe, Medicine & Society in Later Medieval England (Stroud, 1995), 162–64.
Later examples include: W. Bullein, A Dialogue against the Fever Pestilence (1888 [1578]), 19, 27, 41. For Molière’s comparable satire: Brockliss and Jones, Medical World, 338–9.
These issues are highlighted in a different context in: C. Geertz, ‘Suq: The Bazaar Economy of Sefrou’, in C. Geertz, H. Geertz and L. Rosen eds, Meaning and Order in Moroccan Society (Cambridge, 1979), 123–244;
C. Geertz, Peddlers and Princes (Chicago, 1963), 30–46.
A. Wilson, The Making of Man-Midwifery (1995), 37–8.
P. Wallis, ‘Controlling Commodities: Search and Reconciliation in the Early Modern Livery Companies’, in I. A. Gadd and P. Wallis eds, Guilds, Society and Economy in London, 1450–1800 (2002);
M. Berlin. “Broken All in Pieces”: Artisans and the Regulation of Workmanship in Early Modern London’, in G. Crossick ed., The Artisan and the European Town (Aldershot, 1997).
This discussion of ties is obviously indebted to: R. G. Eccles, ‘The Quasifirm in the Construction Industry’, Journal of Economic Behaviour and Organization, 2 (1981); M. S. Granovetter and R. Swedberg, The Sociology of Economic Life (Boulder, 1992), especially 9–13; B. Uzzi, ‘Social Structure and Competition in Interfirm Networks: The Paradox of Embeddedness’, Administrative Science Quarterly, 42 (1997).
Examples of this include: Lex Talionis; Sive Vindicioe Pharmacoporum (1670), 7; Essay for the Regulation of Physick, 26; Thomson, Loimotomia: Or the Pest Anatomised (1666), 158; Cook, Decline, 42, 65; Palmer, ‘Pharmacy in Venice’, 104–5. Annals, iii, 81. On lodging, see also; TNA, PROB 5/1586; T. D. Whittet, ‘Apothecaries and Their Lodgers’, Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, 76, suppl. 2 (1983), 1–22.
TNA, PROB 11/319, f. 2r. Similar examples, include: PROB 11/300, f. 179v; PROB 11/331, f. 120r; J. H. Appleby, ‘Dr Arthur Dee: Merchant and Litigant’, Slavonic and East European Review, 57 (1979), 32–55 ; C. Fiennes, Journeys (1949), 152.
Cook, Decline, 28, 60. See, similarly, K. P. Siena, ‘The “Foul Disease” and Privacy: The Effects of Venereal Disease and Patient Demand on the Medical Marketplace in Early Modern London’. BHM, 75 (2001), 200.
N. D. Jewson, ‘Medical Knowledge and the Patronage System in 18th Century England’, Sociology, 8 (1974), 369–85; Porter, Progress, passim.
D. Harley, “Bred up in the Study of That Faculty”: Licensed Physicians in the North-West of England, 1660–1760’, MH, 38 (1994); M. Jenner, ‘Quackery and Enthusiasm, or Why Drinking Water Cured the Plague’, in O. P. Grell and A. Cunninghameds., Religio Medici (Aldershot, 1996); Crawford, Patient’s Rights’.
M. Lindemann, Medicine and Society in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1999), 199.
See, especially: Park, Doctors; M. R. McVaugh, Medicine before the Plague (Cambridge, 1993); Palmer, ‘Pharmacy in Venice’.
T. Smollett, The Adventures of Ferdinand Count Fathom (London, 1971 [1753]), 258–59.
Christopher Merrett, Dr Merrett … Makes to His Parish of St Andrews Holbourn This Proposition [1695].
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Wallis, P. (2007). Competition and Cooperation in the Early Modern Medical Economy. In: Jenner, M.S.R., Wallis, P. (eds) Medicine and the Market in England and its Colonies, c. 1450–c. 1850. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230591462_3
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