Abstract
After 1945, nearly all colonial exports were in greater demand than ever before, and copper was no exception.1 Contrary to expectations, the wartime demand for copper and other minerals persisted after 1945, and the anticipated post-war surpluses of commodities proved illusory. By spring 1946, the mining companies were gripped by a new optimism, and were planning for expansion in the belief that current demand would persist for another four to five years.2 Among the reasons for this situation in the period immediately after the war were pent-up demand arising from wartime shortages, the disruption of world production by strikes, and the very high level of United States’ copper consumption, fuelled by the wartime expansion of industry, making the US a net importer of copper.3 Furthermore, because internal production could not satisfy US needs, Washington suspended the copper tariff in April 1947. Apart from a period between July 1950 and April 1951, the tariff remained suspended until July 1958.4 Additional demand came from the recovery of Europe, witnessed above all in rapid German reconstruction. Britain’s acute need to curtail dollar expenditure in the post-war period gave Northern Rhodesia a particular advantage. Metropolitan economic recovery depended on rebuilding Britain’s export markets, since overseas earnings were insufficient to underwrite imports.
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Notes
L.H. Gann, ‘The Northern Rhodesian copper industry and the world of copper, 1923–52’, Rhodes-Livingstone Journal, 18 (1955), 12
A.D. Roberts, ‘Notes towards a financial history of copper mining in Northern Rhodesia’, Canadian Journal of African Studies, 16 (1982), 353
A.E. Hinds, ‘Sterling and imperial policy, 1945–51’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 15, 2 (1987), 150–1
NA CAB 131/2, DO(46)40, memo, by Bevin, 13 March 1946; CO 537/1231/102, COS(46)271; CO 537/1233 (cited in R. Hyam, ‘Africa and the Labour Government, 1945–1951’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 16, 3 (1988), 159).
NA CO 852/1347, circular savingram, 19 May 1950, cited in S. Stockwell, ‘Trade, empire, and the fiscal context of imperial business during de-colonization’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser., LVII, 1 (2004), 149
J. Ferguson, ‘Mobile workers, modernist narratives: a critique of the historiography of transition on the Zambian Copperbelt [Part One]’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 16, 3 (1990), 386.
K. Datta, ‘Farm Labour, Agrarian Capital and the State in Colonial Zambia: The African Labour Corps, 1942–52’, Journal of Southern African Studies 14, 3 (1988), 371–92
Murphy, Central Africa Part I, lvi; see also K.P. Vickery, ‘The Rhodesia Railways African Strike of 1945, Part II: cause, consequence, significance’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 25, 1 (1999), 70.
Berger, Labour, Race and Colonial Rule (1974), 88–92. As Henderson comments, however, there is nothing to suggest that the creation of their own unions was a longstanding African goal: I. Henderson, ‘Economic origins of decolonization in Zambia, 1940–1945’, Rhodesian History, 5 (1974), 59.
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© 2007 L.J. Butler
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Butler, L.J. (2007). The Post-War Commodity Boom (1946–1953). In: Copper Empire. Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230589766_4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230589766_4
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