Abstract
As Britain became increasingly an urban and industrial society, fears of social disorder became more prominent in the educated discourses of the Regency and early Victorian period. Crime became both a symptom and a barometer of wider problems in a society that was experiencing an unprecedented change in values and patterns of behaviour. The reporting of crimes, especially serious crimes against property and person, heightened anxieties particularly in the difficult years following the end of the Napoleonic Wars and again in the strife-torn years of the 1840s. Contemporary fears were fuelled further by the publication of annual crime statistics that showed a dramatic increase in recorded crime and confirmed the fear that there was a real and growing threat to respectable society posed by a growing criminal class. Later historians, rightly, have drawn attention to the fact that these figures do not simply measure changes in criminal behaviour but also reflect important changes in the behaviour of prosecutors.1 But others have gone further and challenged the notion that property and the person were under increasing threat. Philips’ influential study portrays the Black Country as not ‘a notably violent society’, nor one in which ‘very large amounts or… very important articles’ were stolen. Furthermore, by the 1850s there was a sense of safety, because crime had been controlled, or at least contained, at acceptable levels.2
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Chapter 4: The British Ballarat?
See for example V. A. C. Gatrell, The Hanging Tree: execution and the English people, 1770–1868, Oxford, 1994
and Philips, Crime and Authority in Victorian England, London, 1977, esp. ch. 2.
Rude, Criminal and Victim Oxford, 1985. Though stressing the ‘somewhat modest role of crimes of violence in the record of metropolitan crime’, he does concede that victims could find the experience of violent robbery terrifying (p. 29).
S. Chapman, The Early Factory Masters: the transition to the factory system in the midlands textile industry, Newton Abbott, 1967;
D. Hay, ‘Manufacturers and the criminal law in the later eighteenth century: crime and “police” in South Staffordshire’, Past and Present Colloquialism on Police and Policing, 1983;
D. Philips, ‘The Black Country magistracy, 1835–60: a changing elite and the exercise of its power’, Midland History, 3, 1976, and Crime and Authority, esp. ch. 6; and R. H. Trainor, Black Country Elites, the exercise of authority in an industrialized area, 1850–1900, Oxford, 1993.
C. Conley, The Unwritten Law: criminal justice in Victorian Kent, Oxford, 1991, p. 67.
Suicide is a topic worthy of extended research, but one that falls outside the scope of the present study. The best general introduction is O. Anderson, Suicide in Victorian and Edwardian England, Oxford, 1987.
For an impressive detailed study of suicides in one city (Hull) see V. Bailey, This Rash Act: suicide across the life cycle in the Victorian city, Stanford, 1998. As the title indicates, Bailey is particularly concerned with the vulnerabilities associated with certain stages of the life-cycle, such as early old age for men. However, he also stresses, contrary to Anderson, the importance of social isolation as a cause of suicide. Anderson makes one reference to Middlesbrough in the context of a general reference to suicide rates being lowest in fastest growing towns. Suicide p. 93. It is not entirely clear that this optimistic statement holds true. See Chapter 8.
A. C. Postgate, Middlesbrough: its history, environs and trade, Middlesbrough, 1898, p. 39.
N. Tomes, ‘A “torrent of abuse”: crimes of violence between working-class men and women in London, 1840–1875’, Journal of Social History, 11, 1978. See also E. Ross,“Fierce questions and taunts”: married life in working-class London, 1870–1914, Feminist Studies, 8, 1983, and Love and Toil, Oxford, 1993; C. Bauer and L. Ritt, ‘“A husband is a beating animal” — Frances Power Cobbe confronts the wife-abuse problem in Victorian England’, International Journal of Women’s Studies, 6, 1983, and ‘Wife-abuse, late-Victorian English feminists and the legacy of Frances Power Cobbe’, ibid., and A. J. Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship: conflict in nineteenth-century married life, London, 1992. See also Conley, Unwritten Law on the ambivalence of the police.
In this respect the distinction that Conley observes in Kent between acceptable and unacceptable violence holds. See also the collection of essays edited by S. D’Cruze, Everyday Violence in Britain, 1850–1900, London, 2000.
For a discussion of police attitudes to prostitution in London see S. Petrow, Policing Morals: the Metropolitan Police and the Home Office, 1870–1914 Oxford, 1994, part 3.
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© 2002 David Taylor
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Taylor, D. (2002). The British Ballarat? Crime in Middlesbrough, c. 1840–70. In: Policing the Victorian Town. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230535817_4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230535817_4
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