Abstract
Bosnia, Rwanda, Chechnya, Somalia, Afghanistan, Sudan: names that signify irruptions of violence and the insufficiency of international responses as much as they designate territorial states. In this context of crisis ± or what the International Crisis Group has dramatised as `millennial chaos’ ± the conventional political architecture and discursive resources of International Relations are being radically problematised.1 Integral to this development is the way in which the political violence of the post-Cold War era (perhaps better understood as the `post-Cold War yet pre-epithet new era’) is both deployed through and gives rise to multiple sovereignties, parallel economies, and privatised militias, all of which involve non-traditional forms of political authority in ceaseless contestation with state practices.2 Within the context of complex political emergencies, we thus see the formation of `emergent political complexes’ which disturb the conventional cartography of international order.3 While such formations are neither conceptually nor politically novel, their importance can no longer be dissimulated by geopolitical modes of representation.
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Notes
3 This phrase is Mick Dillon’s. See the recorded discussion in Jenny Edkins (ed.), The Politics ofEmergency (Manchester: University of Manchester, 1997), p. 52.
5 For a succinct statement of the problems, see Pierre Gassman, `International Humanitarian Action: Growing Dilemmas and New Perspectives for the Twenty-First Century’, in MeÂdecins sans FrontieÁres, op. cit., in note 1.
6 See David Campbell, `Disaster Politics, and the Politics of Disaster: Exploring ``Humanitarianism” ‘, in Edkins (ed.), op. cit., in note 3.
14 Wendy Brown, States ofInjury: Power and Freedom in Late Modernity (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), p. 47.
20 Ibid., see also Nancy Fraser, `Foucault on Modern Power: Empirical Insights and Normative Confusions’, Praxis International (vol. 1, 1981), p. 283.
24 Nancy Fraser, `Foucault’s Body-Language: a Post-Humanist Political Rhet - oric’, Salmagundi (vol. 61, 1983), p. 56, and Fraser, op. cit., in note 16, p. 180.
26 William E. Connolly, `The Irony of Interpretation’, in DanielW. Conway and John E. Seery (eds), The Politics ofIrony: Essays in Self-Betrayal (New York, NY: St. Martins, 1992), p. 119.
31 Martin Heidegger, `Letter on Humanism’, in David F. Krell (ed.), Basic Writings: Martin Heidegger (London: Routledge, 1993), p. 225.
37 Friedrich Nietzsche, Daybreak: Thoughts on the Prejudices ofMorality , trans. R. J. Hollingdale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), Paragraph 99, p. 52.
38 Quoted in Alan White, Within Nietzsche’s Labyrinth (New York, NY: Routledge, 1990), p. 146.
39 Emmanuel Levinas, Otherwise than Being or Beyond Essence, trans. A. Lingis (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1981), p. 127.
41 Friedrich Nietzsche, On the Genealogy ofMorals , trans. W. Kaufmann and R.J. Hollingdale (New York, NY: Vintage Books, 1989), p. 79.
42 William E. Connolly, Political Theory and Modernity, Revised Edition (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993), p. 194.
45 Ibid., pp. 194 ± 5. I have suggested how this idea of excess plays out in international politics in David Campbell, `Political Excess and the Limits of Imagination’, Millennium: Journal ofInternational Studies (vol. 23, no. 2, 1994), pp. 365 ± 75.
46 Richard Kearney, `Dialogue with Jacques Derrida’, in Richard Kearney, Dialogues with Contemporary Continental Thinkers: the Phenomenological Heritage (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984), pp. 117 ± 18. 47 Ibid.
48 This ethos of political criticism is discussed further in David Campbell, National Deconstruction: Violence, Identity and Justice in Bosnia (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), ch. 1.
49 William E. Connolly, `The Ethical Sensibility of Michel Foucault’, in Jeremy Moss (ed.), The Later Foucault (London: Sage, 1997), p. 116.
52 Michel Foucault, `The Ethics of the Concern of the Self as a Practice of Freedom’, in Paul Rabinow (ed.), Ethics: Subjectivity and Truth, trans. R. Hurley et David Campbell 159 al. (New York, NY: The Free Press, 1997), p. 284, and Patton, op. cit., in note 51, p. 73.
61 Michel Foucault, `What is Enlightenment?’, in Paul Rabinow (ed.), The Foucault Reader (New York, NY: Pantheon, 1984), p. 50.
65 This political figuration, its relationship to the BosnianWar, and examples of its materialisation, is the subject of Campbell, op. cit., in note 48.
66 For the necessary relationship of pluralisation to fundamentalisation, see William E. Connolly, The Ethos ofPluralization (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1995).
68 Quoted in Duncan Ivison, `The Disciplinary Moment: Foucault, Law and the Reinscription of Rights’, in Moss (ed.), op. cit., in note 49, p. 142.
71 Quoted in Keenan, op. cit., in note 17, pp. 20 ± 1. It is also excerpted, with a slightly different translation, in Eribon, op. cit., in note 69, p. 279.
74 I explore the complexities of the politics of the decision, and the politics of Derrida’s thought generally, in Campbell, op. cit., in note 48, ch. 6.
75 Michel Foucault, `The History of Sexuality’, in Colin Gordon (ed.), Power/ Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972 ± 1977 (New York, NY: Pantheon, 1980), p. 190.
78 Melissa Orlie, Living Ethically, Acting Politically (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997), p. 169.
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Campbell, D. (2001). Why Fight? Humanitarianism, Principles and Poststructuralism. In: Seckinelgin, H., Shinoda, H. (eds) Ethics and International Relations. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230520455_7
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