Abstract
In the postwar cultural climate, the odious atrocities associated with Nazism starved Western Europe’s extreme right of social and political respectability. Not surprisingly, right-extremist parties were pushed to the very margins of mainstream society, and hence for many years, while the extreme right continued to draw breath, it barely existed as a political force. Admittedly, it would emerge from the shadows every once in a while, but these episodes were short-lived and sporadic. The examples of Pierre Poujade in 1950s France1 or the National Democratic Party in 1960s Germany2 readily spring to mind. Since the 1980s, however, after Jean-Marie Le Pen’s Front National had blazed the trail, right-extremists have taken on a more serious and lasting presence in the party systems of several Western European countries. The times change and over the course of last two decades right-wing extremism in continental Europe has been given a new lease of life. In this, our final chapter, we will place our subject within its broader West European context.3
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Notes
On Poujadism, see R. Eatwell, ‘Poujadism and Neo-Poujadism: from Revolt to Reconciliation’, in P. Cerny (ed.), Social Movements and Protest in Modern France (London: Pinter, 1982), pp. 70–93.
For a study of the NPD, see J.D. Nagle, The National Democratic Party: Right Radicalism in the Federal Republic of Germany (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970).
Space precludes a study of Eastern Europe. On the far right after the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, see S.P. Ramet (ed.), The Radical Right in Central and Eastern Europe since 1989 (Penn State University: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999).
P. Perrineau, ‘The Conditions for the Re-emergence of an Extreme Right Wing in France: The National Front, 1984–98’, in E.J. Arnold (ed.), The Development of the Radical Right in France (Basingstoke: Macmillan — Palgrave, 2000), p. 255.
See P. Hainsworth, ‘The Front National: From Ascendancy to Fragmentation on the French Extreme Right’, in P. Hainsworth (ed.), The Politics of the Extreme Right (London: Pinter, 2000), pp. 18–32.
On the populist politics of the Northern League, see A.C. Bull and M. Gilbert, The Lega Nord and the Northern Question in Italian Politics (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001).
On the Italian far right, see for instance, T. Gallagher, ‘Exit from the Ghetto: The Italian Far Right in the 1990s’, in Hainsworth (ed.), The Politics of the Extreme Right, pp. 64–86; P. Ignazi, Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe, pp. 35–61, and A. Roxburgh, Preachers of Hate: The Rise of the Far Right (London: Gibson Square Books, 2002), pp. 131–53.
On the performance of the Freedom Party in government, see R. Heinisch, ‘Success in Opposition — Failure in Government: Explaining the Performance of Right-Wing Populist Parties in Office’, West European Politics, vol. 26, no. 3 (2003), pp. 91–130.
See for instance, L. McGowan, The Radical Right in Germany. 1870 to the Present (Harlow: Longman, 2002), pp. 147–206f.
As Bjørklund and Andersen point out, nationalism rather than individual freedom was the core idea in the Danish People’s Party’s 1998 manifesto. At the 2001 general election, it won 12 per cent of the vote, see T. Bjørklund and J.G. Andersen, ‘Anti-Immigrant Parties in Denmark and Norway: The Progress Parties and the Danish People’s Party’, in M. Schain, A. Zolberg and P. Hossay (eds), Shadows over Europe: The Development and Impact of the Extreme Right in Western Europe (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), pp. 107–36.
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See C. Mudde, ‘The Single-Issue Party Thesis: Extreme Right Parties and the Immigration Issue’, West European Politics, vol. 22, no. 3 (1999), pp. 182–97.
P. Hainsworth, ‘The Cutting Edge: The Extreme Right in Post-War Western Europe and the USA’, in P. Hainsworth (ed.), The Extreme Right in Europe and the USA (London: Pinter, 1992), p. 7.
On immigration and the decision-making process in France (and Britain) in the postwar period, see G.P. Freeman, Immigrant Labor and Racial Conflict in Industrial Societies (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979).
See for instance, J. Marcus, The National Front and French Politics (Basingstoke: Macmillan — now Palgrave, 1995), pp. 73–99.
See H. Cools, ‘Belgium: Fragile National Identity(s) and the Elusive Multicultural Society’, in B. Baumgartl and A. Favell (eds), New Xenophobia in Europe (London: Kluwer Law International, 1995), p. 40.
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See M. Riedlsperger, ‘The Freedom Party of Austria: From Protest to Radical Right Populism’, in H.-G. Betz and S. Immerfall (eds), The New Politics of the Right: Neo-Populist Parties in Established Democracies (Basingstoke: Macmillan — now Palgrave, 1998), p. 34.
T. Faist, ‘How to Define a Foreigner? The Symbolic Politics of Immigration in German Partisan Discourse, 1978–1992’, in M. Baldwin-Edwards and M. Schain (eds), The Politics of Immigration in Western Europe (Ilford: Frank Cass, 1994), p. 51.
D. Childs, ‘The Far Right in Germany since 1945’, in L. Cheles, R. Ferguson and M. Vaughan (eds), Neo-fascism in Europe (Harlow: Longman, 1991), p. 79.
See M. Lubbers and P. Scheepers, ‘Explaining the Trend in Extreme-Right Voting: Germany 1989–1998’, European Sociological Review, vol. 17, no. 4 (2001), p. 444.
See E. Thalhammer et al., Attitudes Towards Minority Groups in the European Union: A Special Analysis of the Eurobarometer 2000 Survey (Vienna: European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, 2001), p. 47.
R. Miles, ‘Explaining Racism in Contemporary Europe’, in A. Rattansi and S. Westwood (eds), Racism, Modernity, and Identity on the Western Front (Oxford: Polity Press, 1994), p. 214.
See N. Mayer, ‘Is France Racist?’, Contemporary European History, vol. 5, no. 1 (1996), p. 122.
See W. Van Der Brug, M. Fennema and J. Tillie, ‘Anti-Immigrant Parties in Europe: Ideological or Protest Vote?’, European Journal of Political Research, vol. 37 (2000), pp. 77–102.
M.J. Bull and J.L. Newell, ‘Italy Changes Course? The 1994 Elections and the Victory of the Right’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 48, no. 1 (1995), p. 74.
H.-J. Veen, N. Lepszy and P. Mnich, The Republikaner Party in Germany (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 1993), p. 43.
See P. Ignazi, ‘The Silent Counter-revolution. Hypotheses on the Emergence of Extreme Right Parties in Europe’, European Journal of Political Research, vol. 22 (1992), pp. 3–34.
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See H. Kitschelt, The Radical Right in Western Europe (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997).
See J.W.P. Veugelers, ‘Right-Wing Extremism in Contemporary France: A “Silent Counterrevolution”?’, The Sociological Quarterly, vol. 41, no. 1 (2000), pp. 19–40.
See S. Bastow, ‘The Radicalization of Front national Discourse: A Politics of the “Third Way”?’, Patterns of Prejudice, vol. 32, no. 3 (1998), pp. 55–68.
This argument is explored in the case of France, in B. Jenkins and N. Copsey, ‘Nation, Nationalism and National Identity in France’, in B. Jenkins and S. Sofos (eds), Nation and Identity in Contemporary Europe (London: Routledge, 1996), pp. 101–24.
For an excellent analysis of FN doctrine, see P.-A. Taguieff, ‘The Doctrine of the National Front in France (1972–1989): A “Revolutionary Programme”? Ideological Aspects of a National-Populist Mobilization’, New Political Science, vol. 16–17 (1989), pp. 29–70.
P. Ignazi, ‘From Neo-Fascists to Post-Fascists? The Transformation of the MSI into the AN’, West European Politics, vol. 14, no. 4 (1996), p. 704.
Roger Griffin for instance, see R. Griffin, ‘The “Post-Fascism” of the Alleanza Nazionale: A Case-Study in Ideological Morphology’, Journal of Political Ideologies, vol. 1, no. 2 (1996), pp. 123–45.
See P. Tripodi, ‘The National Alliance and the Evolution of the Italian Right’, Contemporary Review, vol. 272 (1998), pp. 295–300.
See L. Höbelt, Defiant Populist: Jörg Haider and the Politics of Austria (Indiana: Purdue University Press, 2003), pp. 117–42.
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See M. Swyngedouw, ‘The Extreme Right in Belgium: Of a Non-existent Front National and an Omnipresent Vlaams Blok’, in Betz and Immerfall (eds), The New Politics of the Right (Basingstoke: Macmillan — now Palgrave, 1998), p. 72.
See R.W. Jackman and L. Volpert, ‘Conditions Favouring Parties of the Extreme Right in Western Europe’, British Journal of Political Science, vol. 26, no. 4 (1996), pp. 515–16.
See R. Worcester and R. Mortimore, Explaining Labour’s Landslide (London: Politico’s Publishing, 2001), p. 166.
See K. Taylor, ‘Hatred Repackaged: The Rise of the British National Party and Antisemitism’, in P. Iganski and B. Kosmin (eds), A New Antisemitism? Debating Judeophobia in 21st Century Britain (London: Profile Books, 2003), pp. 231–48.
For a philosophical discussion of this issue with regard to the French National Front, see M. Fennema and M. Maussen, ‘Dealing with Extremists in Public Discussion: Front National and “Republican Front” in France’, Journal of Political Philosophy, vol. 8, no. 3 (2000), pp. 379–400.
N. Copsey, ‘Contemporary Fascism in the Local Arena: The British National Party and Rights for Whites’, in M. Cronin (ed.), The Failure of British Fascism: The Far Right and the Fight for Political Recognition (Basingstoke: Macmillan — now Palgrave, 1996), p. 139.
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© 2004 Nigel Copsey
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Copsey, N. (2004). The British National Party in Comparative Perspective. In: Contemporary British Fascism. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230509160_8
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