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Patronage and the Intelligentsia in Stalin’s Russia

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Challenging Traditional Views of Russian History

Part of the book series: Studies in Russian and East European History and Society ((SREEHS))

Abstract

Patronage relations were ubiquitous in the Soviet elite. The phenomenon is perhaps most familiar in the political sphere, where local and central leaders cultivated and promoted their own client networks (the often-criticised ‘family circles’ [semeistva]).2 But it was not only rising politicians who needed patrons. Lacking an adequate legal system, Russians relied on patronage alliances to protect ‘personal security, goods, career and status, freedom of expression and other material interests’.3 These words, written by David Ransel about Russian elites in the time of Catherine the Great, apply equally well to Stalinist society. Like Mat connections, patronage relations were part of the well-placed Soviet citizen’s survival kit. And no sector of the elite was more intensive in its pursuit of patrons, or more successful in finding them in the heights of the party leadership, than the Soviet ‘creative intelligentsia’, whose clientelist practices are the subject of this chapter.

In 1930 in the little Sukhumi rest-house for bigwigs where we ended up through an oversight of Lakoba’s, Ezhov’s wife was talking to me: ‘Pil’nyak goes (khodit) to us’ she said. ‘And whom do you go to?’ I indignantly reported that conversation to O. M., but he quietened me down: ‘Everyone “goes”. Obviously it can’t be otherwise. We “go”, too. To Nikolai Ivanovich [Bukharin]’.1

Thanks to Alena Ledeneva, T. H. Rigby, Yuri Slezkine, and Lewis Siegelbaum, as well as participants in discussion at the Munich conference, for helping to clarify my thoughts on this topic. I am also indebted to Jonathan Bone for his services as my research assistant. Note: this chapter is largely based on an article entitled ‘Intelligentsia and Power: Client-Patron Relations in Stalin’s Russia’, in Manfred Hildermeier, ed., Stalinismus vor dem Zweiten Weltkrieg: Neue Wege der Forschung/ Stalinism before the Second World War: New Avenues of Research (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag, 1998).

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Notes

  1. Nadezhda Mandel’shtam, Vospominaniya (New York: Izdat. Im. Chekhova, 1970), pp. 119–20;.

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  2. T. H. Rigby was a pioneer in studies of political patronage in the Soviet Union: much of his work on the subject is collected in his Political Elites in the USSR: Central Leaders and Local Cadres from Lenin to Gorbachev (Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1990). On political patronage in the Stalin period, see Graeme Gill, The Origins of the Stalinist Political System (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), esp. pp. 129–30, 315–16, 324–5.

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  3. David L. Ransel, The Politics of Catherinian Russia: the Panin Party (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975), p. 1.

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  4. On hlat, see Alena V. Ledeneva, ‘Formal Institutions and Informal Networks in Russia: a Study of Blat’ (DPhil, Cambridge University, 1996).

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  5. See Nadezhda Mandelstam, Hope against Hope (London: Atheneum, 1970) and Hope Abandoned (London: Atheneum, 1974), both trans. Max Hayward (Russian titles Vospominaniya and Vtoraya kniga); and Natal’ya Sats, Zhizn’ — yavlenie polosatoe (Moscow: Novosti, 1991), esp. pp. 377–92, 443–4, 467, 479–80.

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  7. Ernest Gellner, ‘Patrons and Clients’, in Ernest Gellner and John Waterbury, eds, Patrons and Clients in Mediterranean Societies (London: Duckworth, 1977), p. 4. On asymmetry, durability, and reciprocity, see John Waterbury, ‘An Attempt to Put Patrons and Clients in their Place’, in Gellner and Waterbury, Patrons and Clients, pp. 329–32. On the personal aspect, see James Scott, ‘Patronage or Exploitation?’, in ibid., p. 22.

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  13. See Sheila Fitzpatrick, The Commissariat of Enlightenment (London: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 131–2. Examples of Lunacharskii’s activity as a patron may be found in RGASPI, f. 142, d. 647 (Pis’ma akademikov, deyatelei nauki i kul’tury o pomoshchi... 1928–33).

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  14. Kornei Chukovskii, Sovremenniki. Portrety i etyudy (Moscow: Molodaya gvardiya, 1963), pp. 401–2.

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  16. Elizabeth Valkenier, Russian Realist Art. The State and Society: the Peredvizhniki and their Tradition (Ann Arbor, MI: Ardis, 1977), p. 151. For another example of military patronage, see the discussion of LOKAF in

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  20. After the arrest of her stepfather, the Armenian Gevork Alikhanov, Elena Bonner’s mother appealed to Mikoyan for help, even though they had not been particularly close friends judging by Bonner’s recollections; moreover, Mikoyan responded with an offer to adopt Elena and her younger brother. Elena Bonner, Mothers and Daughters, trans. Antonina W. Bouis (New York: Vintage Books, 1993), pp. 123–4.

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  25. For example, Galina Shtange on Lazar Kaganovich (patron of her women’s group) in Véronique Garros, Natalia Korenevskaya and Thomas Lahusen, eds, Intimacy and Terror: Soviet Diaries of the 1930s (New York: The New Press, 1995), p. 184.

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  26. On this, see Sheila Fitzpatrick, ‘Supplicants and Citizens: Public Letter-Writing in Soviet Russia in the 1930s’, Slavic Review 55, no. 1 (1996) 78–105.

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  27. Note that patronage relations were not without risk to the client: the patron might be disgraced. In 1939, the young writer A. O. Avdeenko was blamed for his connections with unmasked ‘enemies of the people’, the industrialist Gvkhariya and Urals party leader Kabakov. See D. L. Babichenko, Pisateli i tsen-zory. Sovetskaya literatura 1940-kh godov pod politicheskim kontrolem TsK (Moscow: Rossiiya molodaya, 1994), pp. 26–7. Pil’nyak was another whose connections with opposition figures was held against him. It has been suggested that the fall of theatre director Vsevolod Meyerhold at the end of the 1930s was associated with his clientalist ties to Trotsky and Zinoviev in the early 1920s (Testimony, p. 80), or to Rykov and other ‘Rightists’ at the end of the decade (Elagin, Temnyi geniii, p. 319), but Meyerhold had so many political patrons at various times that this is hard to judge (it is equally plausible to link his fate with that of his NKVD patrons of the 1930s).

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  28. See Anna Larina, This I Cannot Forget, trans. Garry Kern (New York: Norton, 1993), pp. 310, 328.

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  29. Bribes and presents of a thousand rubles or more (evidently accepted by Enukidze’s subordinates, not Enukidze himself) were mentioned in Ezhov’s indictment. Sex is not explicitly mentioned in the surviving text of Ezhov’s indictment, but it must have been there originally since Enukidze in response denied that he had ‘had affairs (sozhitel’stvoval) with any of those who were arrested’ (ibid., pp. 1. 128). For gossip about the sexual aspect of the Enukidze scandal, see ‘Dnevnik M. A. Svanidze’, in Iosif Stalin v ob’’yatiyakh sem’i. Iz lichnogo arkhiva (Moscow: Rodina, 1993), p. 182.

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  30. My thinking here is indebted to discussion with Yuri Slezkine. See also Katerina Clark’s treatment of the ‘Great Family’ myth in The Soviet Novel: History as Ritual (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), pp. 114–17.

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© 2002 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited

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Fitzpatrick, S. (2002). Patronage and the Intelligentsia in Stalin’s Russia. In: Wheatcroft, S.G. (eds) Challenging Traditional Views of Russian History. Studies in Russian and East European History and Society. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230506114_5

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230506114_5

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