Abstract
The results of a revealing poll were published in the January, 1940 issue of Fortune magazine. One of the questions asked respondents to choose the statement which best described their feelings toward Great Britain. 9.8 percent agreed with the first answer, ‘Great Britain has no greater claim upon our sympathy than any other nation, because she has grown great by employing practically all of the means of aggression, oppression, and secret diplomacy that we criticize in such other nations as Germany’ — the position of extreme anglophobes such as Nye, Johnson, Martin Sweeney and Father Coughlin. 25.5 percent chose the second, ‘Britain is probably as decent as any nation is likely to be, but our national interests call for going it alone and being on guard against British propaganda,’ a statement that would accurately summarize the opinion of most mainstream Republican anti-interventionists such as Taft and Vandenberg. 16.2 percent agreed with the third statement, The British probably are no angels, but as a practical matter our vital interests are tied up in the maintenance of the Empire, because her navy is an additional protector of our trade and commercial interests the world over,’ a position which best approximated that of President Roosevelt. But the statement which met with more agreement than any other — 38.3 percent — held that The British do have a special claim on our sympathies because they are closest to ourselves by ties of blood and language, and because they too are defenders of democracy.’
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Notes
Dallek, FDR and American Foreign Policy pp. 200–3; Wayne S. Cole, Charles A. Lindbergh and the Battle Against American Intervention in World War II (New York, 1974), pp. 91–2; Congressional Record 76th Cong., 2d Sess., 85 (2 October 1939): 69; ibid., (16 October 1939): 446–7; ibid., (9 October 1939): 183.
K. R. M. Short, “‘The White Cliffs of Dover”: Promoting the Anglo-American Alliance in World War II,’ Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 2 (March 1982): 3;
Alistair Cooke, ‘British Propaganda in the United States,’ Fortnightly 153 (June 1940): 606;
J. R. M. Butler, Lord Lothian, 1882–1940 (London, 1960), pp. 265–6;
Sidney Rogerson, Propaganda in the Next War (London, 1938 ), pp. 146–8.
H. C. Peterson, Propaganda for War: The Campaign against American Neutrality, 1914–1917 ( Norman, OK, 1939 ), p. 4.
C. Hartley Grattan, The Deadly Parallel (New York, 1939), p. 65; Congressional Record, 76th Cong., 3rd Sess., 86 (6 June 1940): 7702; ibid., (12 June 1940): 8055.
Theodore Dreiser, America is Worth Saving (New York, 1941), p. 70;
Albert Jay Nock, “‘Unfinished Victory” — A Review,’ Scribner’s Commentator 9 (April 1941), p. 20;
Porter Sargent, Getting US into War (Boston, 1941), p. 44; Cull, Selling War p. 35; Cooke, ‘British Propaganda,’ p. 608.
Gerhard L. Weinberg, A World at Arms: A Global History of World War II (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 154–5; Lemke to Walter White, 5 September 1940, Lemke MSS; Congressional Record 76th Cong., 3rd Sess., 86 (9 August 1940): 10105; Dallek, FDR and American Foreign Policy pp. 248–50.
Reynolds, Creation of the Anglo-American Alliance p. 132; Sir Robin Renwick, Fighting with Allies: America and Britain in Peace and at War (New York, 1996), p. 35;
Philip Goodhart, Fifty Ships that Saved the World: The Foundation of the Anglo-American Alliance (New York, 1965), pp. 96–8.
Alfred O. Hero, The Southerner and World Affairs (Baton Rouge, LA, 1965 ), pp. 73–5, 91–103;
Paul Seabury, The Waning of Southern ‘Internationalism’ (Princeton, 1957).
Adler, Isolationist Impulse, p. 273; Wayne S. Cole, America First: The Battle Against Intervention, 1940–1941 ( Madison, WI, 1953 ), pp. 35–9;
Justus D. Doenecke (ed.), In Danger Undaunted: The Anti-Interventionist Movement of 1940–1941 as Revealed in the Papers of the America First Committee (Stanford, CA, 1990), pp. 25–6, 50–1; Robert L. Bliss to chapter heads, 11 February 1941, Box 1, America First Committee MSS. Smith in particular believed that there was ‘a definite conspiracy’ within the AFC to embarrass his group. Smith to Bernard A. Doman, 26 March 1941, Box 11, Smith MSS.
Ibid., pp. 199–200, 215–17; William Ellis Coffey, ‘Rush Dew Holt: The Boy Senator, 1905–1942,’ (Ph.D. diss., West Virginia University, 1970 ), p. 377. Flanders Hall’s releases included George W. Booker (pseudonym of Conrad Oerich), The Slave Business (1941);
Giselher Wirsing, One Hundred Families that Rule the Empire (1941);
Nathaniel Greene, Doublecross in Palestine (1941);
Sayid Halassie (pseudonym of Paul Schmitz), Democracy on the Nile: How Britain Has ‘Protected’ Egypt (1940);
Shaemas O’Sheel, Seven Periods of Irish History (1940);
Stephen A. Day, We Must Save the Republic (1941), and Viereck’s own (under the pseudonym James Burr Hamilton) Lord Lothian against Lord Lothian (1941).
Warren F. Kimball, The Most Unsordid Act: Lend-Lease, 1939–1941 (Baltimore, 1969), p. 33; Kimball, ‘Lend-Lease and the Open Door,’ p. 48.
Richard W. Steele, ‘The Great Debate: Roosevelt, the Media, and the Coming of War, 1940–1941,’ Journal of American History 71 (June 1984), pp. 79–80; Short, “‘The White Cliffs of Dover”’, pp. 13–14.
Frank C. Hanighen, ‘What England and France Think About Us,’ Harper’s 179 (September 1939), pp. 377–8;
Margaret Halsey, With Malice Toward Some (New York, 1938), p. 170.
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© 1999 John E. Moser
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Moser, J.E. (1999). ‘Ties of Blood and Language’. In: Twisting the Lion’s Tail. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230376762_7
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