Abstract
Attitudes in Pakistan over the decades towards ethnic diversity, factors contributing towards pluralism and the articulation of Sindhi nationalism constitute the salient features of this chapter. By the use of ideological jargon and schemes such as parity, One-Unit, martial law or direct federal rule, the powerful ruling elite has denied heterogeneous communities any participation in national affairs, or has simply manipulated plurality in order to perpetuate its own power. The tensions between centripetal and centrifugal forces and between the centre and federating units have become more pronounced recently in Sindh, where a deep sense of alienation runs through the ‘peripheries’ against the ‘core’. This reflects the dichotomic and strained relationships among the plural forces within the province, characterised by militancy and violence rather than co-existence. Ethnic forces in the province operating in the large vacuum left by a state-civil-society imbalance tend to become involved in conflict rather than collaborative strategies. Administrative high-handedness and official reluctance to strive for a wider consensus while occasionally exploiting inter-ethnic divisiveness for temporary advantage, have dented efforts towards reconciliation and mutual co-existence. A peripheral role in the national/provincial/local political life, burgeoning economic deprivation, problems associated with difficult demographic realities and a lack of communication with other communities have all been instrumental in generating alienation.
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Notes
This point has been made in a study. See Richard Tapper (ed.), The Conflict of Tribe and State in Iran and Afghanistan, London, 1983, p. 6.
The Dravidians might have lost to the Aryans but a number of their cultural traditions were adopted. It is no coincidence that Baruhi — still the only Dravidian language — surrounded by its numerous Indo-Aryan counterparts, survives as a major language both in central Sindh and the adjacent areas of Balochistan. See V. Y. Gankovsky, ‘Sindhi Ethnic Community at the End of the Colonial Era’, in Hamida Khuro (ed.), Sind Through the Centuries, Karachi, 1987, pp. 180–87.
For more on Sindh’s geography, see H. T. Lambrick, Sind: A General Introduction, Hyderabad, 1975 (2nd edn).
A. M. Schimmel, Islam in the Indian Subcontinent, Leiden, 1980.
For a very useful study on this subject, see Sarah F. D. Ansari, Sufi Saints and State Power. The Pirs of Sind, 1843–1947, Cambridge, 1992.
R. F. Burton, ‘Notes Relative to the Population of Sind and the Customs, Language and the Literature of the People’, in Selection from the Records of the Government of Bombay, Bombay, 1947, p. 639.
For more on Sir Charles Napier, see H. T. Lambrick, Sir Charles Napier and Sind, Oxford, 1952.
For further details, see David Cheesman, ‘Rural Power in Sind’, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, 1980.
In the Punjab a similar tradition had been initiated, which with the development of canal colonies proved of immense economic, social and political significance. See David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam. Punjab and the Making of Pakistan, London, 1988.
Imran Ali, Punjab Under Imperialism, London, 1988.
For further details, see Hamida Khuro, The Making of Modern Sind: British Policy and Social Change in the Nineteenth Century, Karachi, 1978.
The Hur rebellions of the 1890s and 1940s proved formidable challenges to this bi-partisan relationship. The British brutally suppressed the Hur rebellion in the 1930s and 1940s led by Pir Sibghatullah Shah, the Pir of Pagara. Martial law was imposed on the area; the Pir, along with many of his followers, was executed in 1943 and his two sons were sent to a private school in England. For further details, see Ansari, op. cit., pp. 50–1, and 129–49; also, H. T. Lambrick, The Terrorist, London, 1972.
For details on this subject, see M. Q. Soomro, Muslim Politics in Sind (1938–47), Jamshoro, 1989.
See Yusuf Mirak, Tarikh-i Mazhar-i Shah Jahani, edited by Pir H. Rashdi, Hyderabad, 1962.
For an interesting study on such social cleavages, see Mubarik Ali, Sindh: Khammoshi KiAwaz (Urdu), Lahore, 1992.
O. H. K. Spate, India and Pakistan: A General and Regional Geography, London, 1954, p. 119.
For a convincing account on this subject, see S. J. Burki, Pakistan Under Bhutto, 1971–1977, London, 1980, pp. 12–48.
Charles H. Kennedy, ‘The Politics of Ethnicity in Sindh’, Asian Survey, XXXI (10), 1991.
Feroz Ahmed, ‘Pakistan’s Problem of National Integration’, in M. Asghar Khan (ed.), Islam, Politics and the State. The Pakistan Experience, London, 1985, pp. 229–30;
and Zaffar Abbas, ‘G. M. Syed: Personality Interview’, The Herald (Karachi), August 1989.
See John Rex, Race and Ethnicity, Milton Keynes, 1986, pp. 75–7.
For his views, see G. M. Syed, Struggle for a New Sind. A Brief Narrative of Working of Provincial Autonomy in Sind During the Decade (1937–1947), Karachi, 1949; Sindhi Culture, Karachi, 1972; and Diyar-i Dil va Dastan-i Mohabat, Bombay, 1973.
For more on him, see Zaffar Abbas, ‘G. M. Syed. Saint or Sinner?’, The Herald, February 1992, pp. 22–6.
Zaffar Abbas, ‘G. M. Syed: Personality Interview’, The Herald, August 1989, p. 170.
When asked in an interview about his hostility towards Jinnah and Bhutto and his alleged support for Zia and Jam Sadiq Ali, he simply observed: ‘I refuse to reply to such questions’ (Adil Rashdi, ‘Interview’, The Herald, February 1992, p. 27).
Fahmida Riaz, Pakistan. Literature and Society, New Delhi, 1986, p. 31.
Sheikh Aziz, ‘Shaikh Ayaz: Personality Interview’, The Herald, May 1989, pp. 151–2.
Hamza Alavi, ‘Nationhood and the Nationalities in Pakistan’, Economic and Political Weekly (Bombay), XXIV, 8 July 1989, pp. 1527–9.
However, this analysis lacks lateral ideological orientation — both pro-ID A and pro-PPP — within the salariat besides the emergence of a strong industrial class from the urban areas and small business class from rural areas. See, Akmal Hussain, ‘Pakistan: The Crisis of the State’, in Khan, Islam, Politics and the State, pp. 208–10. Also Alavi, ‘Class and State in Pakistan’, in Hassan Gardezi and Jamil Rashid (eds), Pakistan: The Roots of Dictatorship, London, 1983.
Tariq Ali believes that foreign aid to ethno-national movements will ultimately destroy Pakistan. See Tariq Ali, Can Pakistan Survive? London, 1983, p. 10.
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© 1997 Iftikhar H. Malik
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Malik, I.H. (1997). Sindh: The Politics of Authority and Ethnicity. In: State and Civil Society in Pakistan. St Antony’s Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230376298_10
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230376298_10
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