Abstract
Conventional wisdom holds that elections for party leadership are inherently damaging to parties conducting them. Malcolm Punnett captured this view when he explained, ‘In each party there is a feeling that, other than when a natural vacancy occurs, leadership contests should be avoided because they can threaten party unity, provide comfort to the enemy and distract the party from its tasks in government and in opposition.’1 Martin Redmayne, who had been chief whip during the 1963 Conservative contest, thought contests were so harmful that it was best to allow leaders themselves to decide when to stand down. ‘[A]ny idea that a party can find profit in forcing its leader to resign is nonsensical’, Redmayne said.2 This opinion remains prevalent. Lord Blake counselled the Conservatives to stick with Margaret Thatcher in 1990, since an ‘attempt to overthrow her would do the party far more harm than any which she can do by remaining’.3 At the same time, R. K. Alderman and Martin J. Smith predicted that a ‘party seen to be repudiating its chosen leader would almost inevitably damage its public image — at least in the short run’.4
‘Perhaps one should be wary of the new orthodoxy that leadership elections must be dangerous for political parties.’ — Geoffrey Smith, political columnist
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Notes and References
R. M. Punnett, Selecting the Party Leader: Britain in Comparative Perspective, Harvester Wheatsheaf (London), 1992: 173.
R. K. Alderman and Martin J. Smith, ‘Can British Prime Ministers be Given the Push By Their Parties?’ Parliamentary Affairs 43 (July 1990): 265. Adopting a more international perspective, Peter Y. Medding likewise concluded that parties lose public prestige when they depose their leaders (‘A Framework for the Analysis of Power in Political Parties’, Political Studies 18 (1910): 6).
Anthony Meyer, Stand Up and Be Counted, Heinemann (London), 1990: 178.
Tony Benn, The End of an Era: Diaries 1980–90, Hutchinson (London), 1992: 111. Benn’s multiple candidacies — he stood twice for the leadership and twice for the deputy leadership — are perhaps best understood in the context of his conception of party democracy, in which elections fulfill the important function of diffusing power downwards. There would have been no contests in 1981 or 1988 had it not been for Benn’s decisions to stand.
J. Andrew Brown, The Major Effect: Changes in Party Leadership and Party Popularity’, Parliamentary Affairs 45 (October 1992): 556.
Richard Crossman, The Backbench Diaries of Richard Crossman, Hamish Hamilton (London), 1981: 979.
David Butler and Anthony King, The British General Election of 1964, Macmillan (London), 1965: 18.
William Whitelaw, The Whitelaw Memoirs, Aurum Press (London), 1989: 142.
H. M. Drucker, ‘Changes in the Labour Party Leadership’, Parliamentary Affairs 34 (Autumn 1981): 379. Drucker also contended that Labour’s contest ‘was a proud contrast to the recent dismal, ill-tempered Conservative selection’ (Ibid.). However, the data presented in this chapter indicate that the 1975 Conservative contest had a positive impact.
Kenneth Harris, David Owen: Personally Speaking, Weidenfeld and Nicolson (London), 1987: 218.
Roy Jenkins, A Life at Centre, Macmillan (London), 1991: 567–8.
Lewis Minkin, The Contentious Alliance: Trade Unions and the Labour Party, Edinburgh University Press (Edinburgh), 1991: 351.
David Butler and Dennis Kavanagh, The British General Election of 1992, St. Martin’s Press (New York), 1992: 48.
R. K. Alderman and Neil Carter, ‘The Labour Party Leadership and Deputy Leadership Elections of 1992’, Parliamentary Affairs 46 (January 1993): 64.
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© 1996 Leonard P. Stark
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Stark, L.P. (1996). Impact. In: Choosing a Leader. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230375758_8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230375758_8
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