Abstract
Labour’s return to opposition in May 1979 did not result in a far-reaching assessment of the party’s economic strategy, though debate about it continued. Instead the election defeat marked the beginning of a period of severe internal conflict within Labour which had profound and negative consequences for the party. Denis Healey later called it ‘an exhausting struggle for the survival of the Labour party’.1 Peter Shore termed it ‘an orgy of venomous recrimination’.2 The election result gave a huge stimulus to demands for constitutional change within Labour. The overriding reason for reform, leftwingers argued, was the need to render the party leadership accountable. What was wrong with Labour’s performance in office was not the policies for which the left had fought so hard in the early 1970s, but the decisions and patronage of the leadership.3 The government’s rejection of the left’s economic strategy (as well as other policies) led directly to the demands for constitutional change to the party structure and the bitter internal power struggle which marked the years after 1979. Chris Mullin claimed, The problem is that we have the policies but we don’t have an accountable leadership prepared to make a serious effort at implementing such policies.’4
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References
Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (London, Michael Joseph, 1989), p. 466.
Peter Shore, Leading the Left (London, Weidenfield and Nicolson, 1993), p. 119.
The pressure to alter the structure of the party was not new. The Campaign for Labour Party Democracy had been set up in 1973 as a result of Harold Wilson’s rejection of the proposal to nationalise 25 top companies. See Chris Mullin, How to Reselect Your MP (CLPD and IWC pamphlet 77, 1981), p. 19; and Workers’ Control Bulletin, 1 (October 1973), p. 5.
Tribune, 11 May 1979.
Labour Weekly, 10 August 1979.
See Patrick Seyd, The Rise and Fall of the Labour Left (London, Macmillan, 1987), especially pp. 74–5, 83–9, 97–100.
Anthony King, ‘Mrs Thatcher’s First Term’, in Austin Ranney (ed.), Britain at the Polls, 1983 (Durham, Duke University Press, 1985), pp. 1–38, p. 16.
David Kogan and Maurice Kogan, The Battle for the Labour Party (London, Kogan Page, 1983).
The Times, 3 October 1979. By 1980 The Times reported that moderates could count on only seven votes; 1 October 1980.
The Times, 30 September 1981.
The Times, 29 September 1982.
David Owen, Time to Declare (London, Michael Joseph, 1991), p. 418.
Giles Radice, Labour’s Path to Power (London, Macmillan, 1989), p. 24.
The Daily Telegraph, 15 January 1979.
See RD: 23/July 1979, reproduced as Geoff Bish, ‘Drafting the Manifesto’, in Ken Coates (ed.) What Went Wrong (Nottingham, Spokesman, 1979), pp. 187–206;
IWC Briefing, ‘Labour’s Manifesto: What Got Left Out’, Workers’ Control, 5 (1979), pp. 14–16;
and David Butler and Dennis Kavanagh, The British General Election of 1979 (London, Macmillan, 1980), pp. 144–53.
They were: ‘NEC Proposals for the Manifesto: Keep Britain Labour’, RE: 1898; ‘Minutes of the Cabinet/NEC working group on the manifesto, RE: 2129/March 1979; and ‘NEC Proposals’, RE: 2138/April 1979. NEC minutes, 2 April 1979.
G. Bish, ‘Drafting the Manifesto’, p. 197.
Under Clause V (2) of Labour’s constitution the drafting of the manifesto should be carried out jointly by the NEC and the shadow cabinet (or cabinet) drawing from conference decisions.
Unsurprisingly rightwingers did not view the production of the manifesto in the same terms as leftwingers. They claimed that Callaghan went to considerable trouble to preserve the wording of the NEC version, which was an unworkable draft because of its length and pedantry. The NEC, however, was uninterested in compromise and Callaghan’s patience ran out in the rush to produce the manifesto. Even then the Prime Minister’s draft was shown to at least one leftwinger.
G. Bish, ‘Drafting the Manifesto’, p. 201.
Eric Heffer, Never a Yes Man (London, Verso, 1991), p. 172.
See HPC minutes, 11 June 1979 and 16 July 1979, p. 3; and The Daily Telegraph, 17 July 1979.
The Daily Telegraph, 8 May 1979 and 11 May 1979.
The Daily Telegraph, 21 June 1979. Reproduced in E. Heffer, Never a Yes Man, p. 184.
Tribune, 29 June 1979.
Tribune, 28 September 1979.
Observer, 15 July 1979.
See, for example, Tribune group minutes, 12 June 1979: ‘Dennis Skinner said that the only way of convincing the man in the street that the next Labour government will carry out our Labour party policy is to demonstrate that we are democratising our party’.
See P. Seyd, The Rise and Fall of the Labour Left, pp. 103–24.
The Daily Telegraph, 12 June 1979.
The Guardian, 4 July 1979; and The Daily Telegraph, 5 July 1979 and 26 July 1979.
For example, Tony Benn’s collection Arguments for Socialism (Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1980, originally 1979) summarised previous speeches, some over six years old.
PC minutes, 18 July 1979. See also PC minutes, 25 July 1979 and 13 February 1980 and PLP minutes, 15 April 1980.
LPACR (1979), p. 167.
LPACR (1979), p. 287.
LPACR (1979), p. 186. Litterick had lost his seat in the election.
LPACR (1979), p. 189.
Although passed, the amendment for shifting control of the manifesto was delayed for a year.
LPACR (1980), p. 148.
See Ivor Crewe and Anthony King, The SDP (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 75.
See Noel Tracey, The Origins of the Social Democratic Party (London, Croom Helm, 1983), pp. 37–9. In all 29 MPs left Labour.
The Sunday Times, 5 April 1981 and 12 April 1981; and Phillip Whitehead, The Writing on the Wall (London, Michael Joseph, 1985), p. 404. The letter was organised by Jack Straw and Robin Cook.
The Times, 3 April 1981; and T. Benn, ‘Statement of Candidature’ (Benn archive).
Benn diary, 11 May 1981.
The Daily Telegraph, 28 September 1981.
Judith Hart, ‘Open letter’, 2 April 1981 (Benn archive).
Eric Heffer, paper to the Tribune Group, 10 April 1981 (Benn archive). Similar points were made by John Prescott and Jack Straw at the Tribune group meeting, 13 April 1981.
Tony Benn, The End of an Era (London, Hutchinson, 1992), pp. 120–2.
Judith Hart, ‘Open letter’.
Neil Kinnock, ‘Personality, Policies and Democratic Socialism’, Tribune, 18 September 1981.
The Times, 8 September 1981.
N. Kinnock, ‘Personality, Politics and Democratic Socialism’.
P. Seyd, The Rise and Fall of the Labour Left, pp. 135–6.
N. Kinnock, ‘Personality, Politics and Democratic Socialism’.
P. Seyd, The Rise and Fall of the Labour Left, p. 165.
PC minutes, 11 November 1981; and PLP minutes, 12 November 1981.
See Mervyn Jones, Michael Foot (London, Victor Gollancz, 1994). pp. 467–78.
See Michael Crick, The March of Militant (London, Faber and Faber, 1986);
and Eric Shaw, Discipline and Discord (Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1988).
HPC minutes, 5 April 1982, 10 April 1982, and 10 May 1982. See Lewis Minkin, The Contentious Alliance Trade Unions and the Labour Party (Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 1991), p. 399. The Home Policy Committee was responsible for producing the drafts of the domestic sections of, amongst other party documents, Labour’s Draft Manifesto (1980) and The Socialist Alternative (1981), as well as Labour’s Programme 1982 (1982).
RD: 671/January 1981; and J. Hart, ‘Party Work on Industry’, RD: 2145/March 1982.
IPSC minutes, 16 March 1982, 23 March 1982, 6 April 1982, 21 April 1982, and 28 April 1982; and NEC, Report (1982), p. 60. Few changes, however, were made to the drafts produced by the planning and public ownership working groups. See RD: 2337/April 1982. The Industrial Policy Sub-Committee’s satisfaction with Labour’s existing industrial policy commitments after 1979 is indicated by the amount of time spent by the committee examining relatively peripheral issues such as new technology and co-operatives. Support for the party’s central policies was re-affirmed.
RD: 178/December 1979.
NEC, Report (1982), p. 58.
See LPACR (1979) and NEC, Reports (1980–1982).
NEC, Report (1982), pp. 58 and 60.
Interview, August 1993.
BBC, The Wilderness Years, 12 December 1995.
NEC report, 27 July 1983.
‘Future Work of the Department’, RD: 4/June 1979.
HPC minutes, 10 May 1982.
See, for example, HPC minutes, 16January 1981, 7 December 1981; and FEASC minutes, 30 April 1980, 9 April 1981, and 18 May 1981.
The Times, 5 April 1980.
The Times, 21 March 1980.
T. Benn, Conflicts of Interest (London, Hutchinson, 1990), p. 601.
T. Benn and E. Heffer, ‘Labour’s Election Manifesto’, RD: 39/September 1979, p. 3. See also RD: 145/November 1979; The Daily Telegraph, 11 September 1979; and T. Benn, Conflicts of Interest, pp. 532–3.
HPC minutes, 10 September 1979; and NEC minutes, 28 November 1979, p. 20.
The Draft Manifesto’, RD: 325/April 1980, p. 4. See also HPC minutes, 3 December 1979 and 14 April 1980; The Times, 5–6 December 1979 and 11 April 1980. It was agreed by the NEC; minutes, 28 May 1980.
PC minutes, 30 January 1980 and 7 February 1980.
PC minutes, 4 June 1980, 5 June 1980 and 9 July 1980; PLP minutes, 12 June 1980; NEC minutes, 25 June 1980; and HPC minutes, 7 July 1980.
Labour Weekly, 11 July 1980.
The Times, 10 July 1980.
NEC minutes, 23 July 1980, p. 86; and The Times, 24 July 1980.
HPC minutes, 1 December 1980, p. 1. A campaign document was produced early in 1983 which provided the basis for the election manifesto.
HPC minutes, 10 November 1982; and NEC minutes, 27 October 1982, p. 2.
Austin Mitchell, Four Years in the Death of the Labour Party (London, Methuen, 1983), p. 64.
Benn diary, 10 January 1983.
Benn diary, 19 May 1982.
The shadow cabinet had wanted a shorter document. PC minutes, 4 May 1983 and 10 May 1983.
David Butler and Dennis Kavanagh, The British General Election of 1983 (London, Macmillan, 1984), p. 64.
D. Butler and D. Kavanagh, The British General Election of 1983, p. 61.
Quoted by Hilary Wainwright, Labour: A Tale of Two Parties (London, Hogarth, 1987), p. 70.
The Sunday Times, 22 May 1983.
LPACR (1982), pp. 67, 106 and 171–2.
Conference rejected the advice of the NEC on 26 occasions between 1979 and 1982, but few of these defeats were directly related to economic issues; L. Minkin, The Contentious Alliance, p. 312.
PC minutes, 19 May 1982.
See Austin Mitchell, ‘Labour’s Response to Thatcher’, Political Quarterly, 51 (1980), pp. 257–73.
L. Minkin, The Contentious Alliance, p. 423.
‘Programme of Work’, RD: 6/June 1979, p. 5.
L. Minkin, The Contentious Alliance, p. 398.
Interview, August 1993.
RD: 4/June 1979 and RD: 6/June 1979.
‘Programme of Work 1980/81’, RD: 576/November 1980, p. 2.
PCC minutes, 11 February 1981.
PCC minutes, 8 April 1981.
RD: 832/April 1981.
Benn diary, 8 April 1981.
PCC minutes, 25 May 1982; and Labour Weekly, 4 June 1982.
RD: 2407A/June 1982.
RD: 2410/June 1982, p. 2.
‘Policy Development’, RD: 2902/November 1983, p. 4.
PC minutes, 12 May 1982, 19 May 1982 and 17 June 1982.
PC minutes, 26 May 1982.
PC minutes, 19 May 1982.
Tribune, 28 May 1982.
Unresolved tensions also emerged between Labour’s regional policies as expressed by John Prescott and the planning proposals of the AES. See L. Minkin, The Contentious Alliance, pp. 432–3.
Benn diary, 8 June 1982. The Guardian commented ‘Mr Shore criticised the programme and suggested greater emphasis on fiscal matters’, 9 June 1982.
Benn diary, 10 June 1982.
‘A Note on Priorities’, RD: 2522/October 1982, pp. 9–10.
RD: 2889/October 1983, p. 3.
LC minutes, 27 April 1981, p. 286.
LC minutes, 24 November 1980; and ‘Planning and Industrial Democracy’, RD: 561/November 1980.
NEC minutes, 27 October 1982, p. 4; and The Times, 28 October 1982.
TUC-Labour Party Liaison Committee, Partners in Rebuilding Britain (1983).
L. Minkin, The Contentious Alliance, p. 407.
HPC minutes, 8 February 1982, p. 1.
Benn diary, 25 May 1982.
Benn diary, 16 April 1981, 26 October 1981, and 21 December 1981.
Benn diary, 21 September 1981.
Benn diary, 21 September 1981.
Benn diary, 26 October 1981.
PIDSC minutes, 21 September 1981, p. 2. A point also made at an earlier meeting; minutes, 16 April 1981.
PIDSC minutes, 26 January 1982, p. 4.
Benn diary, 26 January 1982.
LC minutes, 24 May 1982, p. 3.
Benn diary, 26 April 1982.
Labour’s Programme 1982, p. 43; and TUC-Labour Party Liaison Committee, Economic Planning and Industrial Democracy (1982), pp. 17–18.
PIDSC minutes, 26 January 1982, p. 3.
LC minutes, 24 May 1982, p. 4.
LCC, Labour Activist, 20 December 1982;
and S. Holland, ‘Economic Objectives’, in J. Lansman and A. Meale (eds), Beyond Thatcher The Real Alternative (London, Junction Books, 1983), pp. 17–38, p. 30.
HPC minutes, 8 March 1982, p. 1.
HPC minutes, 10 June 1982.
The Sunday Times, 31 August 1980.
Interview, August 1993.
Interview, September 1993.
‘A Re-evaluation of the NEC’s Policy for Car Imports’, RD: 744/February 1981, p. 1; and NEC minutes, 23 April 1980.
Labour Weekly, 2 May 1980.
Economic Reviews included: TUC, Plan for Growth (1981);
TUC, Programme for Recovery (1982);
and TUC, The Battle, for Jobs (1983).
See, for example, TUC, ‘Import Penetration’ (May 1980) recording a meeting with the Conservative Trade Secretary, John Nott.
Tribune, 3 October 1980.
LC minutes, 21 January 1980, p. 4.
LC minutes, 21 July 1980, pp. 255–6.
See, for example, TUC, Annual Report (1979), pp. 513 and 544; Annual Report (1981), pp. 501 and 626; and Annual Report (1982), p. 543
Tribune, 5 September 1980.
‘Policies and Priorities for Labour’s Programme’, RD: 2356/May 1982, p. 6.
For support see AUEW-TASS, Import Controls Now (1980);
AUEW-TASS, Save British Industry (no date); NALGO, Alternative Economic Strategy (1983);
TGWU, Control Imports Now! (1980);
GMWU, Building Industry in Crisis (1981)
and TGWU, Building Materials in Crisis (1981).
For opposition see EETPU, Political Bulletin, 3 (1980) and 9 (1983).
For example, Alan Sapper outlined the AES in the first issue of New Socialist; ‘Industry on the Scrapheap’, New Socialist, 1 (September/October 1981), pp. 19–24.
L. Minkin, The Contentious Alliance, p. 423.
LPACR (1979), p. 240.
LPACR (1979), p. 187.
Tribune, 14 September 1979.
‘Policy Coordination Committee’, RD: 719/February 1981, p. 4.
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© 1996 Mark Wickham-Jones
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Wickham-Jones, M. (1996). Politics and Policy-Making in the Labour Party after 1979. In: Economic Strategy and the Labour Party. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230373679_8
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