Abstract
For most of the eighteenth century, the tenderest emotions were frequently accompanied by the clinking of purses. By the century’s end, the connection between money and feeling had become more distant, more highly mediated and mystified. Benevolence no longer appeared in the pages of fiction figured so graphically in coins and banknotes, legacies or annuities, charitable endowments or gifts of money and parcels of land, freely given in a spirit of fellow feeling and sympathy. That fictional representations of benevolence and acts of charity came to hold a less fashionable place than they had once enjoyed testifies to a major ideological and aesthetic shift during this period. As capitalism developed during the long mercantilist moment that preceded the birth of industrial capitalism in the nineteenth century, political economic theorists replaced earlier religious views of charitable benevolence with a new religion of the market. Adam Smith’s ‘moral sentiments’ were those that best served to constitute the self or subject most appropriate for the capitalist marketplace and commercial society, and were most easily reconcilable with producing the ‘wealth of nations’.1 These commercial tenets of social life displaced earlier debates about self-interest, the motivating force so crucial for Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Bernard Mandeville, in contention with the Earl of Shaftesbury and Francis Hutcheson’s defence of the defining human attribute as benevolence, which manifested itself in a tendency towards universal sympathy with fellow creatures. A significant casualty of the war of political economic policy on the benevolent redistribution of wealth was charity towards the indigent poor in the direct form of almsgiving. Beginning in the 1770s and gathering force in the 1790s, political economy in theory and practice rendered risible or impracticable what had formerly seemed the noblest of human desires, or the most communal and politically progressive of Christian dictates.
The last of the Flock is more gloomy than the rest. We are not told how the wretched hero of this piece became so poor. He had, indeed, ten children: but so have many cottagers; and ere the tenth child is born, the eldest begin to work, and help, at least, to maintain themselves. No oppression is pointed out; nor are any means suggested for his relief. If the author be a wealthy man, he ought not to have suffered this poor peasant to part with the last of the flock.
Dr Charles Burney, The Monthly Review (1799)
He [ … ] assured him, if his Fortune could any way conduce to his Happiness, whatever share of it was necessary for him, should be intirely at his Service.
Sarah Fielding, The Adventures of David Simple (1744)
[I]n our little Family of Love, each Day was employed in Endeavours to promote its common Welfare.
Sarah Fielding, The Adventures of David Simple: Volume the Last (1753)
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Notes
Jean-François Lyotard, The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge, trans. Geoff Bennington and Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984 ), pp. 31–7.
Raymond Williams, Marxism and Literature ( Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1977 ), pp. 128–35.
Frances Burney, Evelina, or the History of a Young Lady’s Entrance into the World, ed. by Edward A. Bloom and Lillian D. Bloom (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1968; rpt 1990), pp. 214–15.
Christopher Hill, The World Turned Upside Down: Radical Ideas during the English Revolution ( 1972; London and New York: Penguin, 1975 ), p. 27.
Nigel Smith, Perfection Proclaimed: Language and Literature in English Radical Religion 1640–1660 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), pp. 93, 4, 144, 84.
David Norbrook, Writing the English Republic: Poetry, Rhetoric and Politics, 1627–1660 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999; rpt 2000), pp. 1, 15.
Donna T. Andrew, Philanthropy and Police: London Charity in the Eighteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989 ).
Jeremy Taylor, The Rule and Exercise of Holy Living, 11th edn (London: printed by Roger Norton for Richard Royston, 1676), pp. 245–9.
Daniel Waterland, The Works of The Rev. Daniel Waterland, D.D., 2nd edn, 6 vols (Oxford: At the University Press, 1843), V, 566.
Sarah Fielding, The Adventures of David Simple And The Adventures of David Simple, Volume the Last, ed. by Linda Bree (London and New York: Penguin, 2002), p. 427, n. 6.
Carolyn Woodward, ‘Who Wrote The Cry?: A Fable for Our Times’, Eighteenth-Century Fiction, 9 (1996), 96.
Sarah Fielding and Jane Collier, The Cry: A New Dramatic Fable, 3 vols (London: printed for R. and J. Dodsley, 1754), I, 225–6.
Ruth Perry, Novel Relations: The Transformation of Kinship in English Literature and Culture, 1748–1818 ( Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004 ), p. 97.
Dr Charles Burney, Monthly Review, 29 (June 1799), 207.
Mary Jacobus, Tradition and Experiment in Wordsworth’s Lyrical Ballads ( 1798) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976 ), p. 205.
Nicholas Roe, Wordsworth and Coleridge: The Radical Years ( Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988 ), pp. 140–1.
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© 2010 Donna Landry
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Landry, D. (2010). Picturing Benevolence against the Commercial Cry, 1750–98: Or, Sarah Fielding and the Secret Causes of Romanticism. In: Labbe, J.M. (eds) The History of British Women’s Writing, 1750–1830. The History of British Women’s Writing. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230297012_8
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