Abstract
Ulster Unionist political mobilisations have traditionally been driven by Orange/Tory populism, and its critics have argued that Ulster Unionism is simply an archaic leftover from the era of Protestant ascendancy. In this interpretation, self-identified Liberal Unionists such as those Ulster Liberals who refused to embrace Gladstonian Home Rule after 1886 are seen as dupes or bigots who have deserted the authentic traditions of their United Irish ancestors; this was Gladstone’s own view of his erstwhile Ulster followers. This view has in turn been criticised. John Bew argues that nineteenth-century Belfast produced an eliteled ‘civic Unionism’ in which Whigs deriving from the conservative wing of the late eighteenth-century ‘Patriot’ movement and moderate Peelite conservatives could share the belief that Union and Empire allowed Irishmen to participate in a wider British culture of reform and improvement driven by enlightened administrative elites, and the somewhat naïve expectation that Orange populism and Catholic discontent would be rapidly dispelled through popular education and scientific-technical progress.1 Paul Bew similarly argues that throughout the nineteenth century significant elements of the British and Irish ruling elites justified the Union as a Burkean project aimed at reconciling Irish discontents by containing the warring elements within a wider political framework which would permit their gradual accommodation to British civility.2
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Notes
John Bew, The Glory of Being Britons: Civic Unionism in Nineteenth-Century Belfast (Dublin, 2008).
Paul Bew, Ireland: The Politics of Enmity 1789–2006 (Oxford, 2007).
Eugenio Biagini, British Democracy and Irish Nationalism 1876–1906 (Cambridge, 2007), especially chapter 5, ‘Joseph and His Brethren: The Rise and Fall of Radical Unionism’.
Letter from Sayers to Connolly Gage, 5 July 1967, in Andrew Gailey, Crying in the Wilderness — Jack Sayers: A Liberal Editor in Ulster, 1939–69 (Belfast, 1995), p. 123.
When criticising romantic conservatives who exalted the social role of the Church in opposition to political economy, MacKnight noted the extensive Church estates in Durham were ‘an eyesore in English agriculture’. Thomas MacKnight, The Right Honourable Benjamin Disraeli, M.P.: A Literary and Political Biography Addressed to the New Generation (London, 1853; 2nd ed. 1854; replica by Elibron Classics 2006), p. 365 (henceforth Disraeli).
Anonymous editorial preface to Thomas MacKnight and C. C. Osborne, Political P rogress in the Nineteenth Centur y (London, Toronto and Philadelphia, 1902), p. vi (henceforth Political Progress);
Thomas MacKnight, Ulster As It Is, or Twenty-Eight Years’ Experience as an Irish Editor, 2 vols. (London, 1896), vol. I, pp. 310–11 (henceforth Ulster).
David M. Thompson, ‘F. D. Maurice: Rebel Conservative’ in S. Mews (ed.), Modern Religious Rebels: Essays Presented to John Kent (London, 1993), pp. 123–43.
Press, 7 Jan. 1854; on Smythe and Disraeli’s shared authorship see Mary S. Millman, George Smythe: Disraeli’s Scandalous Disciple (London, 2006), pp. 275–7.
Cf. Seamus Deane, ‘Philosophes and Regicides: The Great Conspiracy’ in Seamus Deane, Foreign Affections: Essays on Edmund Burke (Cork, 2005), pp. 66–85.
See also Thomas MacKnight, The Life and Times of Edmund Burke (London, 1860), vol. III, pp. 353–4, 488–9, 510–12, 534–43 (henceforth Burke).
M. R. D. Foot and H. C. G. Matthew (eds.), Gladstone Diaries (Oxford, 1974), vol. I V, p. 580 (30 Dec. 1853).
Rambler, NS 9 (Apr. 1858), pp. 266–73; J. Rufus Fears (ed.), Lord Acton, Essays in the History of Liberty (Indianapolis, 1985). Acton thought MacKnight ‘the most impartial and unprejudiced’ of Burke’s biographers and praised his ‘great industry in minute facts’, particularly in reference to the role of Burke’s Catholic relatives, but he criticised MacKnight’s diffuseness and pompous grandiloquence.
MacKnight to Gladstone, 11 Feb. 1858, Gladstone Papers, British Library, Add MSS. 44389, fos. 55–6. Gladstone read Burke on 17 and 19 February and 2 March 1858 (H.C.G. Matthew (ed.), Gladstone Diaries (Oxford, 1978), vol. V, pp. 278–81). When the bulky third volume appeared, Gladstone read it on 20 December 1860 (Gladstone Diaries, vol. V, p. 540), 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30 and 31 January and 1, 4, 5 and 6 February 1861
(H.C.G. Matthew (ed.), Gladstone Diaries (Oxford, 1978), vol. VI, pp. 5–7). Did he reread the whole book?
E.g. MacKnight, The Life and Times of Edmund Burke (London, 1858), vol. II, pp. 318–92, 500–56; Political Progress, pp. 54–5.
MacKnight to Gladstone, 6 Mar. 1863, Gladstone Papers, British Library, Add MS. 44400, fo. 105, annotated by Gladstone ‘Sent thanks. Look to perusing with great interest.’ Gladstone Diaries, vol. VI, p. 188 show that Gladstone read Life of Lord Bolingbroke on 14 March 1863; he reread it on 15 April 1873 (H.C.G. Matthew (ed.), Gladstone Diaries (Oxford, 1982), vol. VII, p. 316), presumably seeking anti-Disraelian inspiration.
Thomas MacKnight, Life of Lord Bolingbroke (London, 1863), pp. 28–30. MacKnight also criticises Macaulay’s portrayal of Marlborough.
T. M. Healy, Letters and Leaders of My Day (London, 1928), vol. I, p. 60.
Ulster, vol. I, pp. 319–20; see also vol. II, pp. 263–4. For Newdegate see Walter Arnstein, Protestant versus Catholic in Mid-Victorian Britain: Mr. Newdegate and the Nuns (Columbia, MO, 1982).
Although this meeting is not recorded in Gladstone’s diaries, Gladstone attached sufficient importance to MacKnight’s argument that Home Rule required exclusion of Irish Members from Westminster to raise it in a discussion with G. O. Trevelyan (H.C.G. Matthew (ed.), Gladstone Diaries (Oxford, 1994), vol. XII, p. 36, 26 May 1887).
David W. Miller, Queen’s Rebels (Dublin, 1978), pp. 91–2 (omits to mention MacKnight’s Englishness).
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© 2010 Patrick Maume
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Maume, P. (2010). Burke in Belfast: Thomas MacKnight, Gladstone and Liberal Unionism. In: Boyce, D.G., O’Day, A. (eds) Gladstone and Ireland. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230292451_8
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