Abstract
By 1950 France had made little progress towards enduring and stable postwar relationships with its North African protectorates. In October 1949 the Socialist Deputy, Pierre-Olivier Lapie, a delegate to the most recent UN General Assembly session, informed Foreign Minister Robert Schuman of the growing international criticism of French colonialism. Schuman had no solution; he was exasperated by unaccountable colonial pro-consuls whose readiness to impose order by force prevented meaningful dialogue with nationalist leaders.1 Pressure from Pakistan and several Arab governments for UN consideration of self-government for Morocco and Tunisia continued to mount and, to the annoyance of the Rabat and Tunis residencies, the Istiqlal and Néo-Destour communicated directly with the British and US governments and their UN delegations in New York.2
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Notes
Tunis residency, ‘Notes schematiques sur la situation politique en Tunisie’, n.d. 1950, vol. 113, Bidault papers; note by Roger Allen, African Dept., 19 December 1950, JF1076/1, FO 371/90236, PRO; Jauffret (ed.), La Guerre d’Algérie par les Documents, II, 100–1.
William I. Hitchcock, France Restored. Cold War Diplomacy and the Quest for Leadership in Europe, 1944–1954 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 160.
Frank Giles, The Locust Years, The Story of the Fourth French Republic, 1946–1958 (New York: Carroll and Graf, 1991), 132, 136–7.
Martin S. Alexander and Philip C. F. Bankwitz, ‘From Politiques en Képi to Military Technocrats. De Gaulle and the Recovery of the French Army after Indochina and Algeria’, in G. J. Andreopoulos and H. E. Selesky (eds), The Aftermath of Defeat. Societies, Armed Forces and the Challenge of Recovery (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1994), 81–4.
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On the impact of Mendès France, see François Bédarida and Jean-Pierre Rioux, Pierre Mendès France et le mendésisme. L’expérience gouvernementale et sa postérité (1954–1955) (Paris: Fayard, 1985);
J. Chêne, E. Aberdam and H. Morsel (eds), Pierre Mendès France la morale en politique (Grenoble: Presses Universitaires de Grenoble, 1990);
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Anne Deighton, ‘The Last Piece of the Jigsaw: Britain and the Creation of the Western European Union, 1954’, Contemporary European History, 7:2 (1998), 186–9. Mendès France, Gouverner, 331.
Jean-François Sirinelli, ‘Les intellectuels dans la mêlée’, in Jean-Pierre Rioux (ed.), La Guerre d’Algérie et les Français (Paris: Fayard, 1990), 116–30.
Journal de Septennat, VU: 1953–1954, 372–77; Christine Bougeard, René Pleven. Un Français libre en politique (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 1994), 250.
Bernard, Franco-Moroccan Conflict, 300–7, 323–4; Henri Lerner, Catroux (Paris: Albin Michel, 1990), 325–6. Regarding Catroux’s mission, see: DDF, 1955, II, nos. 157, 172, 199. Si Ould Embarek Bekkaï had been Pacha of Sefrou.
DDF, 1956, I, no. 44, Roger Seydoux to Quai, 26 January 1956; regarding Bourguiba’s rivalry with Salah Ben Youssef, see DDF, 1955, II, no. 295, Seydoux to Pierre July, 13 October 1955; General Bruno Chaix, ‘La France et la réconstitution de l’armée Tunisienne en 1956’, Revue d’Histoire Diplomatique, 110 (1996), 286–7.
Maryvonne Prévot, ‘Convergences maghrébines autour d’Alain Savary, secrétaire d’Etat aux affaires marocaines et tunisiennes en 1956’, Revue Historique, CCI: 3 (1999), 509–17; DDF, 1956, I, no. 126, note de la direction générale des affaires marocaines et tunisiennes, 25 February 1956; no. 167, Compte rendus des négociations franco-tunisiennes, 29 February-12 March 1956.
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© 2000 Martin Thomas
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Thomas, M. (2000). Towards Independence for Morocco and Tunisia: British and American Concerns, 1950–56. In: The French North African Crisis. Studies in Military and Strategic History. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230287426_3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230287426_3
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