Abstract
In the early hours of 13 September 1923, Miguel Primo de Rivera, Captain General of Barcelona, staged a military coup that marked the death of the liberal regime which had ruled Spain since December 1874. In a manifesto addressed to the country and to the armed forces, he claimed the mantle of ‘iron surgeon’ prepared to undertake radical surgery to save the motherland. Significantly, the code to inform his allies in Madrid that the rebellion had begun was ‘the patient has been operated upon’.1
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Angel Ossorio, Barcelona (Madrid: Ricardo Rojas, 1910), pp. 13–14.
Ignacio Bernis, Consecuencias económicas de la guerra (Madrid: Estanislao Maestre, 1923), pp. 95–6.
Pedro Gual Villalbi, Memorias de un industrial de nuestro tiempo (Barcelona: Sociedad General de Publicaciones, 1923), pp. 104–21;
Joaquín M. Nadal, Memóries, 2nd edn (Barcelona: Aedos, 1965), pp. 256–7;
Antoni Jutglar, Historia crítica de la burguesía en Cataluña (Barcelona: Anthropos, 1984), pp. 365–82.
The average annual immigration for 1900–10, of 3,400 people, increased during the following decade to 20,000 per annum. Albert Balcells, El Sindicalisme a Barcelona, 1916–23 (Barcelona: Nova Terra, 1965), p. 11;
José Luis Martín Ramos, ‘Anàlisi del movement vaguístic a Barcelona, 1914–23’, Recerques, 20 (1988), pp. 94–7;
Chris Ealham, ‘Class and the City: Spatial Memories of Pleasure and Danger in Barcelona, 1914–23’, Oral History, 29/1 (Spring 2001), pp. 39–40.
Pere Gabriel, ‘Red Barcelona in the Europe of War and Revolution’, in Angel Smith (ed.), Red Barcelona: Social Protest and Labour Mobilization in the Twentieth Century (London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 46–53; Ealham, ‘Class and the City’, pp. 41–2.
Confederación Regional del Trabajo, Memoria del Congreso celebrado en Barcelona los días 28, 29, 30 de Junio y el 1 de Julio de 1918 (Barcelona: CRT, 1918), pp. 17–20, 77–9. The Anarcho-Syndicalist mouthpiece, Solidaridad Obrera (2 July 1918), noted that the proletariat now possessed the instrument to succeed in the class struggle.
Contemporary authors noted that the first organized atentado, that is, one that was not the product of random or sporadic violence, was the killing of the foreman Lorenzo Casas on 3 August 1916. See Jose María Farré Moregó, Los atentados sociales en España (Madrid: Artes Gráficas, 1922), p. 111;
Ramón Rucabado, Entorn del sindicalisme (Barcelona: Políglota, 1925), p. 181;
and works by Angel Pestaña, Lo que aprendí en la vida, 2 vols. (Murcia: Zero, 1971), 1, p. 75 and 2, p. 64 and Terrorismo en Barcelona (Memorias Inéditas), in Javier Tusell and Genoveva Queipo de Llano (eds) (Barcelona: Planeta, 1979), p. 100.
For recent analyses of terrorism see Eduardo González Calleja, El Máuser y el sufragio: Orden público, subversion y violencia política en la crisis de la Restauración, 1917–1931 (Madrid: CSIC, 1999), pp. 116–22, 227–8;
Angel Smith, Anarchism, Revolution and Reaction: Catalan Labour and the Crisis of the Spanish State, 1898–1923 (Oxford: Berghahn, 2007), 250–3;
Francisco J. Romero Salvadó, Foundations of Civil War: Revolution, Social Conflict and Reaction in Liberal Spain, 1916–1923 (London: Routledge, 2008), pp. 139–43;
Eduardo González Calleja and Fernando del Rey, ‘Violència política i pistolerisme a la Catalunya de la primera postguerra mundial. Propostes d’anàlisi’, L’Avenç, 192 (May 1995), pp. 34–41;
Albert Balcells, ‘Violencia y terrorismo en la lucha de clases en Barcelona de 1913 a 1923’, Estudios de Historia Social, 42–3 (July–December 1987), pp. 37–79.
See, for instance, the attacks on enterprises partially or totally owned by French businesses in Archivo del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores (hereafter AMAE), H 2789. The collusion between Anarchists and the German spy network is recognized in Pestaña, Terrorismo, pp. 84–96; Emili Salut, Vivers de Revolucionaris (Barcelona: Catalònia, 1938), p. 149.
For further discussion of the subject see Francisco J. Romero Salvadó, Spain 1914–18: Between War and Revolution (London: Routledge, 1999), pp. 166–7.
Archivo del Foment del Treball Nacional (hereafter AFTN), Memoria de la Junta Directiva del Foment del Treball Nacional correspondiente a 1919–1920 (Barcelona: Hijos de Domingo Casanova, 1920), p. 19.
Soledad Bengoechea, El Locautde Barcelona (Barcelona: Curial, 1998), pp. 40–1, 65. On sindicación forzosa see Smith, ‘The Catalan Counter-Revolutionary’, pp. 15–16;
Fidel Gómez Ochoa, ‘El partido conservador y el problema social durante la crisis final de la Restauración: la sindicación profesional y obligatoria’, in Javier Tusell, Julio Gil Pecharromán and Feliciano Montero (eds), Estudios sobre la derecha española (Madrid: UNED, 1993), pp. 274–5.
For the registry of the statutes of the Sindicato Libre in the Civil Government see AGCB, Asociaciones, no. 380, Exp. 10,323 (11 December 1919). For the military input in the creation of the Libres see Bengoechea, El Locaut, pp. 47–8; and
Soledad Bengoechea and Fernando del Rey, ‘Militars, patrons i Sindicalistes Lliures’, L’Avenç, 166 (January 1993), p. 12.
See also Feliciano Baratech Alfaro, Los Sindicatos Libres de España (Barcelona: Cortel, 1927), pp. 65–73;
Antonio Elorza, ‘Los Sindicatos Libres en España: teorías y programas’, Revista de Trabajo, 35–6 (1971), pp. 154–8;
Colin M. Winston, Workers and the Right in Spain, 1900–1936 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985), pp. 111–12.
Antonio Gramsci, ‘On Fascism, 1921’, in David Beetham (ed.), Marxists in the Face of Fascism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983), pp. 82–3.
According to Fernando Soldevilla, El año político 1919 (Madrid: Julio Cosano, 1920), p. 96,
there were 11 workers held by the military. See also Conde Romanones, Notas de una vida, 1912–1931 (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 1999 [1947]), p. 434.
AFTN, Actas, 13 (1 April 1919), pp. 278–9.
Bernardo Pla y Armengol, Impresiones de la Huelga General de Barcelona del 24 marzo-7 abril 1919 (Barcelona: n.p., 1930), pp. 13–96.
AFTN, Actas, 13 (9 April 1919), pp. 293–5.
AFTN, Boletín de la Federación Patronal de Barcelona (23 and 29 December 1919).
AFTN, Memoria de la junta directiva del Foment del Treball Nacional correspondiente al ejercicio de 1922 (Barcelona: Tipografía Hijos Domingo Casanova, 1923), pp. 9–13; Rey, Propietarios, p. 245; Sellés, El Foment, pp. 174–8.
For the failure of Fascism to take off in Spain see Javier Tusell, La política y los politicos en los tiempos de Alfonso XIII (Barcelona: Planeta, 1976), pp. 93–4;
Stanley Payne, Fascism in Spain, 1923–1977 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1999), pp. 19–23. For the Libres, see Winston, Workers, pp. 157–61.
AFTN, Actas,. 15 (22 June 1923), pp. 187–8.
Javier Tusell, Radiografía de un golpe de estado: El ascenso al poder del General Primo de Rivera (Madrid: Alianza, 1987), pp. 80–1.
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Salvadó, F.J.R. (2010). ‘Si Vis Pacem Para Bellum’: The Catalan Employers’ Dirty War, 1919–23. In: Salvadó, F.J.R., Smith, A. (eds) The Agony of Spanish Liberalism. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230274648_7
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