Advertisement

Historical Tourism: Reading Berlin’s Doubly Dictatorial Past

  • Mary Fulbrook

Abstract

Berlin was in many ways both symbol and flashpoint of much of twentieth-century German, European and Cold War history; it is now arguably one of the most historically self-aware cities in the world. Berlin appears, on a cursory visit, to be a city that bears even the lowest points in its history not only openly but brazenly, self-consciously, almost obsessively — certainly in contrast with a city like Vienna, where the Nazi past is remarkably quiescent. There is barely a street in Berlin’s centre that does not have a plaque, a memorial, a sign telling passersby about what previously stood or occurred on a particular site: from imperialism and industrialization, through Weimar modernism, into the depths of terror and persecution under Nazism; and through Cold War division and Communist repression to, finally, the capital of the united Germany of today.1

Keywords

German Democratic Republic Mass Murder Nazi Regime Public Memory Holocaust Memorial 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    See for example: A. J. McAdams (2001), Judging the Past in Unified Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press);Google Scholar
  2. W. J. Niven (2002), Facing the Nazi Past: United Germany and the Legacy of the Third Reich (London: Routledge);CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  3. K. E. Till (2008), The New Berlin: Memory, Politics, Place (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press);Google Scholar
  4. D. Verheyen (2008), United City, Divided Memories? Cold War Legacies in Contemporary Berlin (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield).Google Scholar
  5. 2.
    P. Nora (1984–92), Lieux de mémoire, 7 vols (Paris: Gallimard).Google Scholar
  6. See also, for example, J. E. Young (1993), The Texture of Memory (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press);Google Scholar
  7. and P. Reichel (1999), Politik mit der Erinnerung: Gedächtnisorte im Streit um die nationalsozialistische Vergangenheit, 2nd edn (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag).Google Scholar
  8. 3.
    See also E. Soja (1989), Postmodern Geographies: The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory (London and New York: Verso), pp. 1–2.Google Scholar
  9. 4.
    See the still seminal: M. Halbwachs (1992 (1925)), On Collective Memory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).Google Scholar
  10. The distinction between cultural memory and communicative memory made by J. Assmann (1992), Das Kulturelle Gedächtnis: Schrift, Erinnerung und Politische Identität in frühen Hochkulturen (Munich: Beck) is of little help beyond a preliminary typology.Google Scholar
  11. 5.
    A. Huyssen (2003), ‘The Voids of Berlin’ and ‘After the War: Berlin as Palimpsest’, in Present Pasts: Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford: Stanford University Press).Google Scholar
  12. 6.
    See R. Rürup (1987), ed., Topographie des Terrors: Gestapo, SS und Reichssicher-heitshauptamt auf demPrinz-Albrecht-Gelände”. Eine Dokumentation (Berlin: Willmuth Arenhövel).Google Scholar
  13. 7.
    R. Schneider (1987), ed., Historische Stätten in Berlin (Frankfurt am Main and Berlin: Ullstein);Google Scholar
  14. P. Neumann and F. Wengler (1990), Wo war was in Berlin (Berlin: Dietz);Google Scholar
  15. M. Uschner (1995), Die zweite Etage: Funktionsweise eines Machtapparates, 2nd edn (Berlin: Dietz).Google Scholar
  16. 8.
    See also M. Fulbrook (1999), German National Identity after the Holocaust (Oxford: Polity Press).Google Scholar
  17. 9.
    E. Noelle and E. P. Neumann (1956), eds, Jahrbuch der öffentlichen Meinung (Allensbach: Verlag für Demoskopie), p. 277;Google Scholar
  18. E. Noelle and E. P. Neumann (1958–64), eds, Jahrbuch der öffentlichen Meinung, 3 (Allensbach: Verlag für Demoskopie), p. 230.Google Scholar
  19. 10.
    See V. Wollenberger (1992), Virus der Heuchler (Berlin: Elefanten Press);Google Scholar
  20. more generally, M. Fulbrook (1995), Anatomy of a Dictatorship (Oxford: Oxford University Press), Chapter 8.Google Scholar
  21. 11.
    See, for example, A. Kahane (2004), Ich sehe, was du nicht siehst: Meine deutschen Geschichten (Berlin: Rowohlt).Google Scholar
  22. 12.
    See, for example, N. Frei (2002), Adenauer’s Germany and the Nazi Past: The Politics of Amnesty and Integration (New York, Columbia University Press);Google Scholar
  23. F. Stern (1992), The Whitewashing of the Yellow Badge: Antisemitism and Philosemitism in Postwar Germany (Oxford: Pergamon Press).Google Scholar
  24. 14.
    U. Jureit (2005), ‘Generationen als Erinnerungsgemeinschaften: Das “Denkmal für die ermordeten Juden Europas” als Generationsobjekt’, in U. Jureit and M. Wildt, eds, Generationen (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition), pp. 244–65.Google Scholar
  25. On similar lines, see A. Körner (2000), ‘“The Arrogance of Youth” — a Metaphor for Social Change? The Goldhagen-Debate in Germany as Generational Conflict’, New German Critique, 80 (Spring–Summer), 59–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  26. 15.
    Ironically, a similarly sharp distinction between ‘Germans’ and ‘Jews’ is made by a second-generation survivor in D. J. Goldhagen (1996), Hitler’s Willing Executioners (London: Little, Brown and Co.).Google Scholar
  27. 18.
    W. Gruner (1996), Judenverfolgung in Berlin 1933–1945: Eine Chronologie der Behördenmassnahmen in der Reichshauptstadt (Berlin: Stiftung Topographie des Terrors);Google Scholar
  28. N. Frei (2003), ed., Hitlers Eliten nach 1945 (Munich: dtv).Google Scholar
  29. 19.
    For example, I. Deutschkron (2005), Ich trug den gelben Stern (Munich: dtv).Google Scholar
  30. 20.
    See J. Friedrich (2004), Der Brand: Deutschland im Bombenkrieg 1944–1945 (Berlin: List);Google Scholar
  31. W. G. Sebald (2004), On the Natural History of Destruction (New York: Random House).Google Scholar
  32. 21.
    See M. Brumlik (2005), Wer Sturm sät: Die Vertreibung der Deutschen (Berlin: Aufbau).Google Scholar
  33. 22.
    H. Heer and K. Naumann (1995), eds, Vernichtungskrieg: Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941–1944 (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition);Google Scholar
  34. H. Heer (2004), Vom Verschwinden der Täter: Der Vernichtungskrieg fand statt, aber keiner war dabei (Berlin: Aufbau Taschenbuch Verlag).Google Scholar
  35. 24.
    M. Fulbrook (2009), “Normalisation” in Retrospect: East German Perspectives on their own Lives’, in M. Fulbrook, ed., Power and Society in the GDR, 1961–1979: The ‘Normalisation of Rule?’ (Oxford: Berghahn), pp. 278–319;Google Scholar
  36. and M. Fulbrook (2005), The People’s State: East German Society from Hitler to Honecker (London: Yale University Press).Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Mary Fulbrook 2009

Authors and Affiliations

  • Mary Fulbrook

There are no affiliations available

Personalised recommendations