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Abstract

In Concept of the Political, Schmitt does not start with tabula rasa.1 Rather, he takes his starting point to be the existing interpretation of the political by his own society2 and the history of political theorization. Schmitt points out that, for liberal societies, the political is an activity that takes place in a predetermined area at predetermined times. Violence that takes place in the street or out of hours does not qualify as political according to the definition of his contemporaries; instead, such violence remains invisible. Liberal societies and liberal theorists emerge from Schmitt’s account as ‘a herd of blind men led by a blind man who gropes his way forward with a cane’.3

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Notes

  1. As pointed out by Bolsinger,’ schmitt’s understanding of theory and concept formation must be seen as sensitive to the real existing social and political contexts’. See E. Bolsinger, The Autonomy of the Political: Carl Schmitt’s and Lenin’s Political Realism (London: Westport, 2001), p. 24.

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  2. For example, he draws the reader’s attention to the fact that ‘the word political is today often used interchangeably with party politics’. C. Schmitt, Concept of the Political (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, [1932] 1996), p. 32.

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  3. Although the expression is Schmitt’s own, he himself did not use it in relation to liberalism. C. Schmitt, Political Theology, Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty (Baskerville: MIT Press, [1922, 1934] 1985), p. 54.

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  4. Schmitt writes that ‘a part of the theories and postulates which presuppose man to be good is liberal’ C. Schmitt, Concept of the Political, p. 60; on the romantic ambiguity about good and bad human nature see C. Schmitt, Political Romanticism (Cambridge, Mass. and London: MIT Press, [1919, 1925] 2001), p. 124.

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  5. Schmitt’s original list can be found in Schmitt, op. cit., p. 61. As Herbert Butterfield puts it: ‘The truth is that if men were good enough neither the ancient city state nor the medieval order of things nor modern nationalism would collapse. Neither humanism, nor liberalism, nor democracy would be faced with intellectual bankruptcy’. H. Butterfield, Christianity and History (London: G. Bell & Sons 1954), p. 56.

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  6. C. Schmitt, The Leviathan in the State Theory of Thomas Hobbes (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, [1938] 1996), p. 43.

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  7. See, for example, C. Schmitt, Concept of the Political, pp. 43–4; C. Schmitt, The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy (Cambridge: MIT Press, [1923] 1985)

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  19. Ibid., p. 28. Derrida has rightly pointed out that Schmitt seems to be unaware that there is an asymmetry between the Romans’ distinction inimicus / hostis and Plato’s distinction quoted by Schmitt. Whereas Plato’s means enemy in interstate wars and can be compared to the Latin hostis or public enemy, Plato’s means enemy in civil war and is therefore different from the Latin inimicus or private enemy. See J. Derrida, Politics of Friendship (London: Verso, 1997), p. 89ff.

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© 2009 Gabriella Slomp

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Slomp, G. (2009). Continuity and Novelty, Clarifications and Recommendations. In: Carl Schmitt and the Politics of Hostility, Violence and Terror. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230234673_2

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