Abstract
Proliferation in a post—cold war, post-9/11 world has had significant consequences for the structure and management of global security policy. The introduction of nuclear weapons (hereinafter NW) initially confounded and distorted conventional formulae of war and peace, such as limited warfare, armies, arms, munitions, strategy, and distinctions between combatants and noncombatants. Nuclear weapons, generally speaking, have been accommodated and rationalized, rendering them strategically functional within the discourse of global security.1 Since 9/11, NW have assumed an important role in the justification of the U.S. absolutist security agenda (ASA); for example, North Korea’s testing of a nuclear device and Iran’s determination to acquire nuclear capability have had serious consequences on U.S. and, by default, global security policy. Keeping NW within the purview of select states while concomitantly excluding those international actors designated as enemies of global peace and freedom—that is, rogue states and nonstate terrorist actors—is considered a major component of the war on terror. Indeed, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD; nuclear weapons proliferation in particular) provides high degrees of legitimacy for implementing an ASA.
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Notes
For examples, see Peter Katona, John P. Sullivan, and Michael D. Intriligator, eds., Countering Terrorism and WMD: Creating a Global Counter-Terrorism Network (New York: Routledge, 2006)
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J. S. Mill, Considerations on Representative Government (London: Parker, Son, and Bourn Publishers, 2006).
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© 2010 Marvin L. Astrada
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Astrada, M.L. (2010). Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction and Global Security. In: American Power after 9/11. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230106383_5
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