Abstract
In 1507, Martin WaldseemüLler In His Cosmographiae Introductio proposed the name “America” for Columbus’s newly discovered land on the explicit grounds that “I do not see why anyone should object to its being called after Americus the discoverer, a man of natural wisdom, Land of Americus or America, since both Europe and Asia have derived their names from women.”1 Just over a hundred years later, in 1614, Thomas Campion’s masque for the wedding of Robert Carr and Frances Howard shows Asia wearing “a Persian Ladies habit.”2 In both these texts, Asia is inherently and unquestioningly gendered as feminine. Equally, at least some of the men who inhabited it were also considered to be on the edge of the category of the feminine: Ann Rosalind Jones and Peter Stallybrass have recently pointed to the classical tradition of regarding Scythians as effeminate and prone to impotence and possibly pederasty, since Herodotus recounted how they succumbed to “’the Scythian disease,’ defined as ‘the atrophy of the male organs of generation, accompanied by the loss of masculine attributes.’”3 Taken together, these figurings should alert us to two important facts about the way in which Asia is represented in the sixteenth century. First, its representation is gendered; and second, there is thought to be a quasi-mystical link between the land and its inhabitants, not least since climate was supposed to exert a direct influence on temperament.4
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Notes
Nicholas Crane, Mercator: The Man Who Mapped the Planet (2002; repr., London: Phoenix, 2003), 56.
Paulina Kewes, “Contemporary Europe in Elizabethan and Early Stuart Drama,” in Shakespeare and Renaissance Europe, ed. Andrew Hadfield and Paul Hammond (London: Thomson Learning, 2005), 150–92, 163.
See Ann Rosalind Jones and Peter Stallybrass, “Dismantling Irena: The Sexu-alizing of Ireland in Early Modern England,” in Nationalisms and Sexualities, ed. Andrew Parker, Mary Russo, Doris Summer, and Patricia Yaeger (London: Routledge, 1992), 157–74.
Although we do not always know where he was, the known facts of his life do not allow for any absence from England long enough to have permitted him to travel so far. See Lisa Hopkins, Christopher Marlowe: An Author Chronology (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2005).
Ralph Fitch had traveled widely in eastern India in the 1580s, but did not return to England until April 1591, too late to be an influence on the Tamburlaine plays (see William Foster, Early Travels in India, 1583–1619 [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1921], 6).
Christopher Marlowe, Hero and Leander, in Christopher Marlowe: The Complete Poems and Translations, ed. Stephen Orgel (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971), Sestiad I, 5.
John Michael Archer, Old Worlds: Egypt, Southwest Asia, India, and Russia in Early Modern English Writing (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001), 102, 105, and 108.
John Gillies, “Marlowe, the Timur Myth, and the Motives of Geography,” in Playing the Globe: Genre and Geography in English Renaissance Drama, ed. John Gillies and Virginia Mason Vaughan (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1998), 203–29.
Christopher Marlowe, Edward II, in Christopher Marlowe: The Complete Plays, ed. Mark Thornton Burnett (London: Everyman, 1999), 4.2.29–31.
Christopher Marlowe, Doctor Faustus: A text, in Doctor Faustus and Other Plays, ed. David Bevington and Eric Rasmussen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 1.1.81–7.
John Donne, “An Anatomy of the World,” in John Donne: The Complete English Poems, ed. A. J. Smith (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971), 276.
Emily C. Bartels, Spectacles of Strangeness: Imperialism, Alienation, and Marlowe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993), 54.
George Best, A true discourse of the late voyages of discouerie, for the finding of a passage to Cathaya, by the Northvveast, vnder the conduct of Martin Frobisher Gen-erall deuided into three bookes (London: Henry Bynnyman, printer, 1578), 9.
On this idea, see for instance Samuel Bawlf, The Secret Voyage of Sir Francis Drake (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 2003), 3.
Bernardino de Escalante, A discourse of the nauigation which the Portugales doe make to the realmes and prouinces of the east partes of the worlde, trans. John Frampton (London: Thomas Dawson, printer, 1579), 10.
Shankar Raman, Framing “India”: The Colonial Imaginary in Early Modern Cul-ture (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002), 2.
See Garrett A. Sullivan, Jr., “Geography and Identity in Marlowe,” in The Cam-bridge Companion to Christopher Marlowe, ed. Patrick Cheney (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 231–44.
Paul Binding, Imagined Corners: Exploring the World’s First Atlas (London: Hodder Headline, 2003), 131.
See, for instance, Constance Brown Kuriyama, Hammer or Anvil: Psychological Patterns in Marlowe s Plays (Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1980), 14.
Sir Walter Ralegh, The Discoverie of the Large, Rich and Bewtifull Empyre of Guiana, ed. Neil L. Whitehead (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997), 196.
Justin Marozzi, Tamerlane: Sword of Islam, Conqueror of the World (London: HarperCollins, 2004), 93.
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© 2009 Debra Johanyak and Walter S. H. Lim
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Hopkins, L. (2009). Marlowe’s Asia and the Feminization of Conquest. In: Johanyak, D., Lim, W.S.H. (eds) The English Renaissance, Orientalism, and the Idea of Asia. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230106222_6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230106222_6
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