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“When We Were Walking down the Road and Singing”: Rural Women’s Memories of Socialism in Serbia

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Gender Politics and Everyday Life in State Socialist Eastern and Central Europe

Abstract

In her article “Experience,” Joan Scott problematizes the “objective evidence of experience,” arguing that the subject is constructed through discourse and only from that position is he/she able to produce his/her experience. Instead of assuming that individual subjects have experiences, she proposes that subjectivity is produced through the discursive processing of their experiences: “It is not individuals who have experiences but subjects who are constituted through experience.”1 Building on Scott’s arguments, this chapter examines the self-reflexive potential of experience in interpretations of Yugoslavia’s socialist past. It focuses on women of the “older generations” (born between 1914 and 1946) in the area of Niško Polje in southeastern Serbia who actively participated in amateur vocal groups and performed at state-sponsored festivals in villages during the socialist period.2 Niško Polje belongs to a wider region called the Valley of the Južna Morava River, with the city of Niš as its administrative center.3 The population is ethnically quite uniform, with a dominant Serbian population and the Roma community forming the largest minority.4

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Notes

  1. Joan W. Scott, “Experience,” in Feminists Theorize the Political, ed. Judith Butler and Joan W. Scott (New York, 1992), 26.

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  2. Petar Vlahović, Srbija—Zemlja, Narod, Život, Običaji (Belgrade, 1999), 46.

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  3. Since my research is focused on personal experiences of the socialist past, the term socialism seems to be more appropriate than the concept of state socialism, which refers to the institutional (official) state system of communism, and which, as Chris Hann points out, is frequently used as a term of political abuse. See Chris Hann, Caroline Humphrey, and Katherine Verdery, “Introduction: postsocialism as a topic of anthropological investigation,” in Postsocialism: ideals, ideologies, and practices in Eurasia, ed. Chris M. Hann (London, 2002), 21.

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  4. Sherna Berger Gluck, “What’s so Special about Women?” Women’s Oral History,” in Women’s Oral History: The Frontiers Reader, ed. Susan H. Armitage, Patricia Hart and Karen Weathermon (Lincoln, NB, 2002), 3.

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  5. See, for instance, Susannah Radstone and Katherine Hodgkin, eds., Memory Cultures: Subjectivity, Recognition, and Memory (New Brunswick, NJ, 2007), 2.

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  6. Geoffrey Cubitt, History and Memory (Manchester, 2007), 73.

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  7. See, in particular, the work of Geertz, Turner, and Bruner, who introduced the concept of the “anthropology of experience.” Victor W. Turner and Edward M. Bruner, eds., The Anthropology of Experience (Urbana, IL, 1986).

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  8. On Jacques Derrida and Paul Ricoeur’s concept of phenomenology and hermeneutics, see Derrida, Glas i fenomen (Belgrade, 1989)

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  10. And on the phenomenological approach in ethnomusicological scholarship, see Jeff T. Titon, “Knowing Fieldwork,” in Shadows in the Field: New Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology, ed. Gregory F. Barz and Timothy J. Cooley (New York, 1997), 87–100, 96

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  12. Mojca Ramšak, a Slovenian ethnologist, asserts that personal memories and life stories are crucial for understanding the way people connect their personal experiences and interpretations of the past to their social environment. Mojca Ramšak, “Zbiranje življenskih zgodb v slovenski etnologiji,” Etnolog 10, no. 61 (2000): 30.

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  14. More than 90 percent of the state budget for culture went to cultural institutions in municipalities; the balance went to Houses of Culture and local cultural centers in villages. Milivoje Ivanišević, “Nemogućnost kulturnog razvoja sela,” Kultura 38 (1977): 171.

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  15. This is in contrast to Bulgaria where village music and dance became a central part of the urban soundscape. Since “village art” was considered a symbol of the nation in Bulgaria, it was to be accepted by sophisticated urbanites and elites alike. See Timothy Rice, May It Fill Your Soul: Experiencing Bulgarian Music (Chicago, 1994), 181. Meanwhile, with Yugoslavia’s opening up to the West in the 1950s, genres such as entertainment music and rock music were supported by the state.

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  17. It is important to note that, in contrast to other socialist countries such as the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, and Romania where rural people were forced to write new, politically conscious songs or where village tunes were arranged for choral performances, in the village festivals in socialist Yugoslavia the original song repertoire was presented on stage, without being influenced by political elements or undergoing significant transformations. See Anca Stere: “The Social Dimension of the Folkloric Text in the Postwar Totalitarianism,” Symposia. Journal for Studies in Ethnology and Anthropology (2003): 85; and Laura J. Olson, Performing Russia: Folk Revival and Russian Identity (New York, 2004), 41. Rice and Kaneff also write about highly folklorized versions of songs, predominantly choral arrangements of village tunes, in Bulgaria.

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  29. Michael Herzfeld, Kulturna intimnost: Socijalna poetika u nacionalnoj državi (Belgrade, 2004), 186.

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Shana Penn Jill Massino

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© 2009 Shana Penn and Jill Massino

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Hofman, A. (2009). “When We Were Walking down the Road and Singing”: Rural Women’s Memories of Socialism in Serbia. In: Penn, S., Massino, J. (eds) Gender Politics and Everyday Life in State Socialist Eastern and Central Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230101579_12

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230101579_12

  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, New York

  • Print ISBN: 978-1-349-37751-0

  • Online ISBN: 978-0-230-10157-9

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