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Is There a New European Forest Owner? The Institutional Context

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Globalisation and Change in Forest Ownership and Forest Use

Abstract

This chapter describes how the forest owner can be seen as differently constructed in different European countries depending on, amongst other things, whether it has been necessary to re-create the forest owner and forest ownership tradition following restitution, forest or agricultural traditions, and the historical role of the small-scale forest owner. Patterns of international and national policy change, the role of supporting infrastructure such as forest owner organisations, and patterns of inheritance have also been important in constructing the forest owner. In that, the chapter contextualises and clarifies much of the case focus in other chapters—it also clarifies how different forest systems, forest owner structures, and thereby potentially also the role of forest in rural development and rural studies may vary in different countries.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The State of Europe’s Forests 2015 report was compiled using information relating to the pan-European Criteria and Indicators for Sustainable Forest Management endorsed at the fourth Ministerial Conference on the Protection of Forests in Europe in 2003. Most of the information was provided by the national correspondents (NCs) through two questionnaires. For further details, see the full report FOREST EUROPE, 2015 : State of Europe’s Forests 2015.

  2. 2.

    While forestry has not been available to the local small-scale landowner, forest use may be another case. In many areas, a broader or multi-use of forest has also historically—including during the Soviet time—been pronounced, for example, in terms of berry and mushroom picking and other forest uses. These situations are widespread not least in Russia, which remains a case distinct from these examples, as forest is still owned by the state and mainly leased to industry; however, this is something that has meant that local communities using local forests, for example, for firewood, have sometimes turned to certification norms to support local forest use (Torniainen et al. 2006; Keskitalo et al. 2009). However, policies underpinning forest use may have varied greatly, and do so under current privatisation measures as well, which may also result in considerations with regard to broader public access to forest.

  3. 3.

    The restitution process has in some cases thus also meant that “[m]any forest owners are urban citizens who obtained their forest as a result of expropriated land being returned in the land reform process. Often these owners live far away from their holdings and have no connection to rural areas . Urban forest owners often perceive the forest only as a source of income and lack the interest and knowledge about forestry processes. The result is poor regeneration and maintenance” (Urbel-Piirsalu and Bäcklund 2009: 107).

  4. 4.

    In Norway , the change from agricultural to forest owners seems to have been somewhat more marked, with a higher number of forest owners previously having cultivated land (thus making Norway potentially similar in some respects to a more Central or Southern Europe understanding of private forest owners, as discussed below) (Follo 2011, compare with Toivonen et al. 2005); however, a forest owner tradition is well established (e.g. Follo et al. 2006).

  5. 5.

    Austria , Germany , Slovenia , Croatia Greece Spain, Czech Republic, Hungary, Sweden, Denmark, Latvia Switzerland, Estonia Lithuania, Norway , Finland , Luxembourg, France , Portugal.

  6. 6.

    Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania and Slovakia.

  7. 7.

    Soares notes that the forest management problems related to “[s]mall ownership and landowners’ absenteeism” (Soares 2013: 157–158) could potentially be supported through such cooperation; however, it has also been noted that there has been social resistance to some cooperation development approaches (Forest Intervention Areas) in Portugal, for instance related to financial constraints (Soares 2013: 158).

  8. 8.

    As in most other areas concerning forests, there are extensive variations in the recognition of multiple use or multiple priorities for forest. Gadaud and Rambonilaza note: “In the countries of southern Europe, such as France , where this legislation is based on Roman law, priority is given to the right of ownership to land, whereas the northern European countries acknowledge also the right to exploit the natural resources. In Germany , Norway and Finland, forest legislation authorizes access to private forests for walkers. In contrast, in Holland and France , access to private property is prohibited. In the case of France , even though the law recognizes a right of way for other users, it stipulates that landowners have an exclusive right on non-timber forest products and services” (Gadaud and Rambonilaza 2010: 298; see also Lankia et al. 2014).

  9. 9.

    Important differences affecting forest ownership and management are also present in taxation systems: for example, Swedish forest landownership is not taxed, as opposed to forest properties in Estonia (Urbel-Piirsalu and Bäcklund 2009; see also an example in Chap. 6, this volume).

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Keskitalo, E.C.H., Lidestav, G., Karppinen, H., Živojinović, I. (2017). Is There a New European Forest Owner? The Institutional Context. In: Keskitalo, E. (eds) Globalisation and Change in Forest Ownership and Forest Use. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57116-8_2

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