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Abstract

This chapter describes the multiple trends that have impacted European small-scale/private forest owners, and outlines the necessity to pay regard to forest within the context of rural literature. The chapter also outlines the European, and particularly the Swedish, case focus of the book: while comparatively little focus has so far been placed on forest in rural studies, it constitutes a case with relatively well-developed data that enable us to say something about the role of forest in relation to broader rural development. However, this also makes it crucial to contextualise this case in comparison with other examples throughout Europe, to illustrate the great variation in what forest ownership, forest use and the new forest owner may mean in different cases.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Milbourne (2007: 384), for example, notes that “very little critical attention has been given to processes of international migration impacting on rural areas” ”either to “movements of low-income migrants from other countries to work in low-wage sectors of the rural economy” or to lifestyle based migration, for instance “people purchasing properties—as permanent residences and second homes”.

  2. 2.

    For example, Hogl presents “seven types of forest owners [who] form a kind of a sequence from owners who have a strong agricultural background to those who have no agricultural background at all. Types 1 and 2 are characterised by full-time and part-time farmers who represent the traditional image of agricultural forest owners. Types 3 and 4 also have a rather strong agricultural background, but are less actively involved in the agricultural and forestry sectors. These four groups constitute about two thirds of Austrian forest owners and could be named, in a broad sense, ‘traditional forest owners’. The remaining third of the forest owners who form three more clusters (types 5 to 7) have almost no direct connection to agriculture and forestry ; for them working in, and deriving income from, agriculture and forestry is of little importance. These groups of forest owners could—from this perspective—be summarised under the term ‘new forest owners’” (Hogl et al. 2005: 336).

  3. 3.

    Our aim is thus not to develop a typology or detailed definition of changing forest owners per se, although it has been noted that the specific typologies used often vary between authors and are seldom used in relation to other parallel typologies (Hujala et al. 2013).

  4. 4.

    In this, the book draws on the Swedish PLURAL project (www.slu.se/plural), the EFINORD-SNS Forest in Urban and Rural Studies Network, and the European Union Cost-Action FACESMAP (facesmap.boku.ac.at/), all of which focus on the changing role of forest and forest ownership.

  5. 5.

    For a discussion on the level of urbanisation in Sweden, see also DN (2015).

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Keskitalo, E.C.H. (2017). Introduction. In: Keskitalo, E. (eds) Globalisation and Change in Forest Ownership and Forest Use. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57116-8_1

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57116-8_1

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