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Luchinidi and Pasolinidi

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Homosexuality and Italian Cinema
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Abstract

Chapter 5 shows how by 1960 the garrulous moral panic on homosexuality, which was gradually replacing silence, involved cinema, mostly in connection to prostitution and crime news, factors which also increasingly influenced films. Shown at the same time as two major homosexual scandals that shook public opinion in 1960, films such as Visconti’s Rocco e i suoi fratelli and those written by Pasolini before his debut as a director acquire new meaning, and contribute to a turn towards more ambiguous representations resulting from conflicting and diverging intentions, ideologies and personal experiences.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Nota informativa sulle iniziative cinematografiche estive svoltesi a Venezia, 1961 (ACEI).

  2. 2.

    Exactly as did Il Borghese ‘against the “sociality” of Ragazzi di vita and Rocco e i suoi fratelli’ (Giovannini 1966: 519).

  3. 3.

    Television headquarters were said to be so ‘overwhelmed by the sudden neighs of a horde of sensible artists’ (Polimeni 1961: 24) that when a scandal involved a few adolescent hustlers, ‘it was not easy to identify the responsible, because too many could be suspected’ (Spalti 1959: 21).

  4. 4.

    An article introduced by the alarming headline ‘One thousand only in Rome’ confesses that the number is the result of ‘just a feeling’ (Finaldi 1960a: 16).

  5. 5.

    For example lo Specchio faked a reportage about Pasolini harassing some boys (Sanzò 1960b).

  6. 6.

    As vague as Baracco’s claim that ‘a group of well informed film journalists found out that 92 members out of 135 of seven troupes contemporary at work were openly pederasts’ (1960b: 14).

  7. 7.

    Il Borghese also suggested remedies such as truncheons (Preda 1960c: 750), guns and bonfires of books about homosexuality (Preda 1960b: 621).

  8. 8.

    Metaphysical painter Giorgio De Chirico even blamed homosexuals for ‘the ruin of art’ (1960: 11).

  9. 9.

    Catholics had already tried to do the same in 1956 (see Barbanti 1992: 615).

  10. 10.

    Atti parlamentari, Camera dei Deputati, 23 January 1960, p. 12,688.

  11. 11.

    Guido Bisori, Senato della Repubblica, 263 a seduta pubblica, 21 June 1960, p. 12,560.

  12. 12.

    This makes unlikely his claim to have been replaced by a double because of a disagreement about the amount of effeminacy that Fellini wanted to infuse into his character (in Pini 2011: 344). He did not even restrain himself from replicating his character the following year in Sergio Corbucci’s parody Totò, Peppino e… la dolce vita. In any case, this explains why in his novel Roma erotica (1967) he criticized the way in which the movie represented Roman life, claiming that Fellini ruined Via Veneto’s nocturnal life for months.

  13. 13.

    In the screenplay (Kezich 1960) he confesses a religious crisis, but then he disavows almost everything he said.

  14. 14.

    The cause of his melancholia is not explained, but three of his meditative lines sound ambiguous. When he says that ‘these priests don’t fear the devil’, he may be alluding to his atheism, to his leftist ideology or to his sexual orientation, none of which is made clear in the movie. At the party he hosts, he says to Marcello’s fiancée, as if identifying with her: ‘Odd as it sounds, I feel I know you well. The day you realize you love Marcello more than he loves himself… you’ll be happy.’ And to Marcello himself: ‘I can only be a friend, so I can’t give you any advice’, as if regretting not being allowed to be anything more. He also does not conceal that he is keeping a secret from his admiring guests: ‘If you saw my real height, you’d see I’m no taller than this.’ None of these lines is included either in the published screenplay or in the version written by Pasolini (2001: 2316–2329), who gave Steiner slight autobiographical traits. Asked to revise the already completed screenplay, Pasolini erased Steiner’s angst about the future and attributed the malaise underlying his apparently accomplished life to sentimental issues. It is possible that this revision suggested to Fellini (who otherwise almost ignored it) to add the above-quoted lines (and Marcello’s explanation to the policeman, when he feebly credits the version of a vague fear of future society) to give clues to Steiner’s motivations.

  15. 15.

    Circular of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, 30 April 1960.

  16. 16.

    In ACS/MTC 3265.

  17. 17.

    ACS/MTC script 3265.

  18. 18.

    ACS/MTC 3265.

  19. 19.

    According to the shooting schedule in ibid.

  20. 20.

    His intention to do so is hand-written on the report on the screenplay.

  21. 21.

    As noted by Fallaci, press agents were now ‘the new teachers of Cinecittà’ (1958: 37).

  22. 22.

    MIBAC 31790.

  23. 23.

    This was particularly clear in the first article devoted to the scandal by weekly Vie Nuove (Segni 1960), which lists a series of cases of pedophilia involving priests that happened in the same region between 1950 and 1960 as if they were related to balletti verdi.

  24. 24.

    On 9 March 1961, Nuovo Meridiano carried the headline ‘Welcome Dr. Spagnuolo’, while rumor had it that Milan’s Archbishop Montini, who publicly praised the magistrate (Anonymous 1960a), was the mastermind behind him (Cederna 1961).

  25. 25.

    A version supported even by Testori (in Santini 1996: 50) and Visconti (in Slavik 1960: 39) themselves.

  26. 26.

    Transcription of a taped conversation (IG subseries 26, file 2). Visconti’s papers about Rocco e i suoi fratelli consist of two versions of the treatment, six versions of the screenplay and more than 200 pages of drafts and annotations, almost all undated. I have proposed a philological reorganization of these documents in Giori (2011b: 33–48).

  27. 27.

    In the order of seizure, Spagnuolo wrote that ‘the purity of feeling referred to the equivocal circumstance determines a sordid situation and full of deformations’ (in Tarantini 1961: 179).

  28. 28.

    See in particular Baracco (1960b: 10), Solmi (1960) and Montanelli (1960), who even imagines Visconti’s slaver on shooting the scene of the shower.

  29. 29.

    Both Visentini (1960) and Muzii (1960) found Alain Delon ‘too much idolized’ by the camera, while Casolaro (1960: 403–404) wrote about the ‘ambiguous exaltation of virility-force (Simone) and of masculinity-beauty (Rocco), as well as a significant counterposition between scenes of rape and of boxing: elements not unrelated to that inverted sensuality which abounds in the most recent Italian cinema’. Quarantotto (1960: 474) reported that the settembrini dissected the ‘moral implications of the images filled with biceps and beefcakes [that] are clear only to them’.

  30. 30.

    Previously, the teacher had also been taken for a hustler from a Milanese industrial firm, while a DC bureaucrat had been mistaken for being inclined toward soldiers: in both cases the industrialist and the prostitute show no scandal.

  31. 31.

    MIBAC 45438.

  32. 32.

    In ACS/MTC 3192.

  33. 33.

    ACS/MTC 3192. The same pretext was used also in the case of Le voci bianche (1962) (cf. ACS/MTC 4401).

  34. 34.

    Letter to the Minister of Tourism and Entertainment, Umberto Tupini, 5 January 1960 (ACS/MTC 3192).

  35. 35.

    Note dated 10 May 1960, MIBAC 31867.

  36. 36.

    Just to be sure, the end titles define the character as ‘the strange comm. Anzaloni’.

  37. 37.

    ACS/MTC 3794.

  38. 38.

    ACS/MTC 3794.

  39. 39.

    Gamna interviewed in the DVD edition of the film released by Ripley’s Home Video Pictures in 2015.

  40. 40.

    Both the reports are in MIBAC 39356.

  41. 41.

    Published in Pasolini (2013).

  42. 42.

    MIBAC 39869 preserves a few clips from 1959 and 1960 newspapers used as sources for the screenplay. The article inspiring the episode we are discussing comes from an unidentified newspaper.

  43. 43.

    ACS/MTC script 3582.

  44. 44.

    The two-page plot submitted to the ministry (in ACS/MTC 3582) and written by the directors does not mention Gino at all.

  45. 45.

    See Bondavalli (2015), even if she fails to address homosexuality and in fact skips the Friulan novels, on which see Duncan (2006: 83–105).

  46. 46.

    ACS/MTC 3582.

  47. 47.

    Letter dated 30 March 1961, ACS/MTC 3582.

  48. 48.

    The directors’ inexperience should also be considered: their company had been established just a few weeks before shooting. Originally announced for release in May 1960 (Gallotti 1959), in September shooting was not yet finished and in July 1962 the movie was still in post-production (see documents in ACS/MTC 3582).

  49. 49.

    MIBAC 39869.

  50. 50.

    Even Mariotti’s La neofilia (see Chap. 1) was a classic move to win the sympathy of those in power at the expense of any form of homosexuality apart from one’s own, a move that failed in this case but indicative of how theories and representations were mostly a generalization of personal tastes.

  51. 51.

    This is not to say that Pasolini’s conception of homosexuality remained unvaried throughout his life; on the contrary, it underwent a long elaboration and was the object of a never-ending reflection, attested to not only by his works, but also by his letters (see Pasolini 1986, 1988). See also Duncan’s interpretations of Pasolini in the light of Sedgwick’s theories of the closet (2006: 83–105).

  52. 52.

    Allusion to the slang finocchio for homosexual.

  53. 53.

    See in particular Turroni (1957).

  54. 54.

    A confirmation of this is Baracco’s appreciation of director Ferdinando Maria Poggioli (Astolfo 1959b: 18), whose homosexuality was never inflated in his works, even if it was gaudy (Lattuada, in Faldini and Fofi 1979: 52, remembers him as ‘one of those kind, affectionate, open homosexuals. He used to say: “Look how beautiful!” of certain boys, in a clean way, totally at ease with life and himself’).

  55. 55.

    ACS/MTC 3912.

  56. 56.

    ACS/MTC 4401.

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Giori, M. (2017). Luchinidi and Pasolinidi. In: Homosexuality and Italian Cinema. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56593-8_5

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