Abstract
Othering processes consolidate ethnic groups, but are also relevant in the development of specific Hindu subgroups and traditions. Chapter 4 illustrates that the Madras tradition is an ‘invented’ yet ‘authentic’ tradition, which developed in relation to the mainstream Sanatan tradition. To establish a Sanskritic Hindu tradition in the Christian environment, specific ritual practices were excluded from Sanatan worship. These then consolidated in the Madras tradition, also known as Kali-Mai Puja, which remains marginalized and stigmatized until today. In this tradition, clothes serve as a specific means to create group identity. Specific ritual clothes were implemented, are referred to as ‘uniforms,’ and create uniformity through colors. Especially yellow creates (imagined) homogeneity, visually and materially, and signifies the continuity of traditions.
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Notes
- 1.
Cardinal points are of general importance in Hinduism. For example, the East is associated with deities, while the West is associated with humans, animals, and the like (Michaels 2004). This significance has influenced not only Hindu temple architecture but also the architecture of Indian towns and villages.
- 2.
Jitender not only draws parallels between Hindu and Christian scriptures, but further gives a phonetic and lexical explanation why Mariyamman (used as an equivalent to Kali) is identical with specific female characters of the Bible. He explains that the name ‘Mariamman’ (or Mariyamman) can be divided in Mari and Amman. Amman, he states, is Tamil for ‘Mother’ and Mari is similar to the English Mary. Hence, Mariyamman means as much as ‘Mary Mother’ or ‘Mother Mary.’
- 3.
‘Babylon’ is a popular theme or notion applied in general Caribbean discourse whenever moral degeneracy is addressed and discussed. Among Rastafarians, for example, ‘Babylon’ is used as a synonym for the degenerated, immoral, and hegemonic ‘West.’
- 4.
- 5.
http://www.oed.com; last access: January 21, 2014.
- 6.
http://www.merriam-webster.com; last access: December 28, 2013.
- 7.
For a definition of ‘respectability’ see Chap. 3.
- 8.
‘Walk in the village’ is the part of Big Puja on Saturday Nights during which the two Karagams are carried through the streets of the village. During the ‘walk’ manifestations continue and healing rituals are performed.
- 9.
Sinah: I don’t remember, maybe it was you who told me, somebody told me, probably you, that it used to be done only twice a year, was the Kali Puja itself done only twice a year?
Seeram: Yes.
Sinah: … And the Sunday services that you have every week, that did not use to be like that. This only started at some…
Seeram: Yes, they started it there. They started it recently. But since Papplu was in the Kali worshipping. Some of the churches, unto now, some of the Kali churches, they just open and do a little regular thing, they burn sambrany and then open the church and put a couple of flowers on Sundays, and then they are done! They don’t manifest! But most of the churches now, they do have manifestations on every Sunday, most of the churches. If there are one hundred churches in Guyana, like about ninety. And about then that do not have manifestations on Sunday.
- 10.
Adherents of the ‘English way’ counter this by emphasizing that as a deity and creator of all languages, Mudda knows to speak English, hence the language is irrelevant to authentic worship.
- 11.
A similar discourse of authenticity is noticeable with regard to the length of the sari between Guyanese Indians and ‘Indian Indians’ in the North American diaspora, as discussed in Chap. 2.
- 12.
Indumati: … Because when I was 16 years old and I used to go to Papplu’s church, there was not such a variety of shalwars and things. Ladies just wore the ordinary clothes. But the men, they… the five yard cotton to tie the dhoti. Because that was cheap. That was cheap. And Papplu took the same dye cotton and made dresses for us. To wear. The same dye cotton. He took it and he made girls’ dresses. Like, if we, six of us, were in the church, he made and stitched one for each of us.
Sinah: Oh, so then you would wear that to marlo?
Indumati: Yes, you wear that to marlo! Yes. Because I can remember, when I was going to Papplu’s church. Papplu made one for each of us. And he gave us.
- 13.
‘Dye cotton’ as used in the quote can refer to either a dyed cotton or cotton in the color dye.
- 14.
Madras cloth was of great importance in the Caribbean. It was used and adapted by a number of religious groups or as traditional cloth for head wraps (bandannas). It has become part of national costumes, for example, in Guadeloupe (Buckridge 2010b).
- 15.
I felt the hour-long sitting in congregations on stone floors to be tiring as well.
- 16.
Tselos describes for Haitian Vodou that specific garments separate the manifesting person from other devotee, signifying his or her spiritual change (2010, 251).
- 17.
For an elaboration of carnival dress in a historical context, see Buckridge (2004).
- 18.
Shiva-ratri, or Shivatri, is the name of the day on which Shiva is specifically honored.
- 19.
Although the quotes may not portray him as such, I experienced Pandit Dayaram as a thoughtful pandit with a sincere interest in all members of the Guyanese Hindu community. He provided me with other useful information on Hinduism and my choice of quotes is highly selective and based on their importance in analyzing the creation of Madras identity.
- 20.
- 21.
Sinah: And when you come [to the Madras church], the last time, I saw that some people changed the clothes and [later] they changed back.
Indumati: Yeah, when you go, you go, you wear your clothes with which you go out, you go. When you go, you go into a room and you wear your garment. You wear your clothes which you are supposed to wear.
Sinah: So then you change. But, why don’t the people… When you go to the Sanatan mandir, the people don’t change, right?
Indumati: No, they don’t change. They wear the same thing with which they came from home. They stay with the same thing until the work is done and then they go back with the same thing. They don’t change their clothes.
Sinah: So why is there a difference?
Indumati: Well, listen now. When you go to [Madras] churches like that, sometimes with my garment, when I go now, I start to vibrate and when I vibrate, they give me water and they wet my skin. You understand? And my skin is wet. So how could I come back with my wet skin? [laughs] I have to wear clothes, change back into my clothes. You understand? Because sometimes you might accidentally vibrate. And then, somebody brings some water to give you, then throws it on you and wets your whole skin. So you know, you have to change back into your clothes, so you have to bring your changing clothes in fact.
- 22.
Indumati: They wet your skin, when you go in front of them. If you have to bathe and get fed. Then they are wetting your skin. Right?
Sinah: So you change [quiet]. But when you come to the church, … could you wear it, then?! The garment.
…
Indumati: Yes, you can wear… but you see, we do not want to wear the hot lemons to go. You understand? You do not want to wear them from home and go. Because… [hesitates]
Sinah: Is there a special reason?
Indumati: People will say, “What, you’re wearing one hot dye!” [laughs]. So that’s why when you go there, you wear your clothes there, when you’re done, you take them off, you put them in your bag and wear another one to go back home. Yeah.
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Kloß, S.T. (2016). Uniform(ity) Through Color: The Invention of Madrassi Vestment. In: Fabrics of Indianness. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56541-9_4
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