Abstract
Here I discuss contemporary discourses of cosmopolitanist nostalgia in/of Istanbul. While I elaborate on how the Rum Polites conceptualize Istanbul as their homeland and point of reference, I also reflect on how the other Istanbulite communities, past and present, living in and out of Istanbul, relate to the city discursively as a source for identity. I focus on different types of cosmopolitanism in the writings of Rum Polites to help frame this multireferential concept contextually as a way of differentiating experiential modes of cosmopolitanism. Rather than centering on cosmopolitanism or multiculturalism as a political project of social management, I aim to unravel the diverse and contested emic definitions of what constitutes cosmopolitan living. The case of Rum Polites and Istanbul exemplifies how debates in social theory can be grounded through ethnographic analyses of actual cultural realities, thereby contributing to recent scholarship on the subject.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Until roughly the early 2010s, the AKP government pursued policies where projects of reconciliation toward distressed minorities and related EU reforms were presented to be high on the list of priorities. Now in 2017, a completely different political landscape dominates in Turkey under another government formed by the same party, where the EU is no longer a part of the agenda amidst an intensification of violent conflicts with the Kurds in Turkey. See also the Epilogue.
- 3.
Lahmacun is a dish in Middle Eastern cuisine known in Europe as Turkish pizza.
- 4.
The website of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality describes the city in this way: “Istanbul, with mosques, churches, and synagogues existing side by side, has always been a center of tolerance.”
- 5.
For a commentary on the changing attitudes among the Islamists in Turkey regarding Ayasofya, see Ahmet Hakan’s column titled “Savcı Göreve,” in Hürriyet (19 September 2005). For a commentary on the demands for permission to pray in Ayasofya by Pope Benedict during his yet unaccomplished visit to Istanbul, see Nuray Mert’s column titled “Ayasofya ibadete açılsın mı?” in Radikal (13 September 2005). For more scholarly analyses, see Nelson (2004), Tanyeri-Erdemir (2017), and Necipoğlu et al. (1992).
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- 7.
Sulukule is an area located inside the Byzantine city walls, which for long centuries housed the Romani/Gypsy populations. Despite major international campaigns, the area was subjected to urban gentrification projects and demolished. See Uysal (2012), Foggo (2007), Somersan and Kırca-Schroeder (2007), and Baykal (2009).
- 8.
Located by the Byzantine city walls, Yedikule is site to one of the oldest continuing practices of urban agriculture and is currently resisting demolishment through gentrification . See Kanbak (2016).
- 9.
A civil environmentalist initiative that was founded initially to protect the forest area in Northern Istanbul, which is being destroyed for mega projects such as the Third Bosphorus Bridge and Third Airport (www.kuzeyormanlari.org).
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- 11.
The debate was introduced in anthropology and textual analysis, notably in Clifford (1988) and Clifford and Marcus (1986), and found wide acclaim across genres and disciplines (Benson 1993). For works on Greece that address the relationship between ethnography and fiction, see Herzfeld (1997a) , Panourgia (1995), and Calotychos (2003), among others.
- 12.
- 13.
- 14.
For accounts of cosmopolitanism in various Mediterranean cities, see Jackson (2012), Ilbert and Yannakakis (1992), Ballinger (2003), Mazower (2005), Fregonese (2012), Prato (2009), Driessen (2005), Keyder et al. (1993), Graham (2004), Mazower (2004), della Dora (2006), Mills (2010), Fahmy (2006), Kolluoğlu and Toksöz (2010), Hanssen et al. (2002).
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Örs, İ.R. (2018). Capital of Memory: Cosmopolitanist Nostalgia in Istanbul. In: Diaspora of the City. Palgrave Studies in Urban Anthropology. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55486-4_5
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