Abstract
The first chapter offers an introduction to the Rum Polites through sharing of basic information about their social, historical, cultural backgrounds, and the spatial and temporal contexts of Istanbul and Athens. Here I tell the story of the fieldwork as well as the written work, with a focus on their scope, methods, and challenges. The chapter provides an outline of the book that is an ethnographic exploration into the cultural identity of Rum Polites, primarily those residing in Athens, with respect to the ways in which they define this identity in terms of their everyday life, their social relations to others, their constructions of history, their traumatic memories of violence and displacement, and their attachment to the urban cosmopolitan legacy of Istanbul.
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Notes
- 1.
In using the term Rum Polites, I have encountered some grammatical problems. It is a combination of one Turkish (Rum) and one Greek (Polites) word, where the former is singular and the latter is plural. I decided it would be difficult for readers to follow if I were to decline the term each time I used it, so I tried to be consistent with the form Rum Polites as much as possible, shifting to other combinations only when necessary. Rather than implying conflation, my only aim with this decision was to avoid confusion.
- 2.
To designate current-day Istanbul, the word Konstantinoupoli (Constantinople) is preferred in Greek. The word Poli is also used, in capitalized version, not only as an abbreviation but also as a reminder of the city’s position as the largest and most important urban center in the Greek world and beyond—a status it retains in the religious/symbolic realm as the seat of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Christian Orthodoxy. The misleading debate over Istanbul versus Constantinople, pursued as claims to national ownership in certain circles within both Greece and Turkey, is going to be omitted from this book, which aims to provide a more nuanced understanding of the issues regarding city and identity. I have preferred Istanbul, as the dominant official usage in English, translated Poli as City, and used Constantinople when referring to the Byzantine period. Where it did not matter, I may have used the names interchangeably, void of any political intent or conviction.
- 3.
Different census records in Istanbul have counted the Rum Polites differently over the years, using varying bases of identification. The numbers are estimated to be around 200,000 during the last few decades of the nineteenth century, while they reportedly exceeded 300,000 at the beginning of the twentieth (cf. Alexandris 1983, 49–51). In the aftermath of wars and migrations, in 1924 there were still more than 270,000 in a city of just over a million inhabitants (Alexandris 1983, 142), while the 1927 official survey of the Turkish Republic indicates over 100,000 Orthodox Rum in Istanbul, making up about 15% of the population (Dündar 2000). Today, there are some 2000 Rum in an Istanbul of over fifteen million. The largest center today is Athens with several tens of thousands of Rum Polites, although smaller groups of Rum Polites are found in various parts of the world.
- 4.
Fanariots are an Ottoman Christian elite who ascended to power in multiple political arenas between the 1660s and 1821 (Philliou 2008, 151). They are named after their residence in the region of Fanar, the location of the Ecumenical Patriarchate.
- 5.
Karamanlides or Karamanli are a community of Turcophone Christian Orthodox who come from the Central Anatolia/Cappadocia region. They write in Turkish with Greek letters using a language called Karamanlica or Karamanlidika. Based on their religion, however, they were considered Greeks and a great majority of them were sent to Greece during the forced exchange of populations. Some of them have moved to Istanbul, where they learned the Greek language and mixed with the Rum. See Balta (2010).
- 6.
Mikrasiates or “Anatolians,” as used above, refers to the people from Asia Minor, that is, the Christian Orthodox Rum refugees from the Greek–Turkish war (called the Catastrophe or Liberation War, respectively) or people who were held as part of the Forced Exchange of Populations in accordance with the Convention signed as part of the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. Part of the Rum Polites in Istanbul, like those of the islands of Imvros and Tenedos, and the Muslim populations of Western Thrace were held exempt from the forced exchange, yet still had to migrate to Athens later on, increasingly in the second half of the twentieth century.
- 7.
Imvriotes, Greek Orthodox residents of the island of Imvros (Gökçeada) as well as neighboring Tenedos (Bozcaada), located at the entrance of the Dardanelles Strait, were held exempt from the 1923 Forced Exchange of Populations. Like the Rum Polites, Imvriotes also endured many dramatic changes throughout the twentieth century, which resulted in a drastic fall of their population in the islands. Even though differences and discrepancies remained intact between them, they stayed in close contact with the Rum Polites after their migration to either Istanbul or to Athens. For more, see Babül (2006), Tansuğ (2012), and Tsimouris (2001).
- 8.
Süryani Assyrians, and the related groups of Syriacs, Arameans, and Chaldeans, are also partially members of the Greek Orthodox Church. They originate from ancient populations in Southeastern Asia Minor and speak different Sami languages. Although they do not have the same origins as the Rum Polites, they were often classified as such by the Turkish state because of their common religion. Some of them were included in the Exchange of Populations, while those who remained in Turkey (especially the population in Antioch/Hatay, which was not within Turkish borders at the time of the Exchange) have partially joined the Rum Polites in Istanbul, sending their children to Rum schools and taking over some community duties such as maintaining and guarding the churches. There are a few hundred Assyrians in Athens who live close to the community of Rum Polites, and many continue speaking Turkish without having learned any Greek. For a few studies on the subject, see Zubaida (2000), Husry (1974), and Al-Rasheed (1998).
- 9.
French was often spoken in families of mixed origin, where couples would revert to French as the common language of communication. More broadly, French has been the lingua franca until the first half of the twentieth century, and fluency in this language indicated good education and elite status in Istanbul society.
- 10.
Ecumenical has come to be a somewhat polemical term, but I use it without any allusion to that political discussion taking place in Turkey. For the purposes of this work, it is taken as the correct and preferred emic form as this is how the Rum Polites refer to their own denomination. For more on the Patriarchate, see Benlisoy and Macar (1996) and Inalcik (1991), among others.
- 11.
As a movement born in Byzantine Constantinople, the Rum Catholic Church is an interesting case. Although they are Catholics, they practice not the Latin but the Rum/Byzantine tradition of the Eastern Church. Their website insists that they should not be confused with the Roman Catholics (www.rumkatkilise.org). For a detailed study of some of these communities, see Macar (2002).
- 12.
- 13.
For selected accounts on Rum milleti or millet-i Rum during the Ottoman period, see Gondicas and Issawi (1999), Stathi (1999), Anagnostopoulou (1997), Barkey (2008), Benlisoy and Benlisoy (2001), Exertzoglou (1996), Roudometof (1998), Özil (2016), Anastassiadou (2009), Kamouzis (2013), and Kechriotis (2005).
- 14.
- 15.
Constantine Mousouros served as the Ottoman Ambassador to the Greek Kingdom (1840–1848); later followed by John Photiadis in the 1860s, they both served their country through difficult times in Greek–Ottoman relations. The Ottoman ambassadorship to Greek Britain was also held by Rum Polites throughout much of the nineteenth century: Constantine Mousouros (1856–1891), Constantine Anthopoulos (1891–1902), Stephen Mousouros (1902–1907). For other distinguished Fanariots and Rum Polites in the service of the Ottoman Grand Porte, see Sözen (2000), Alexandris (1983), Phillou (2010), and Janos (2005).
- 16.
Restrictions of the applications provisioned by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 include (1) retracting the borders of the city to those of the municipality of Istanbul, which forced otherwise exempt thousands to leave; (2) the one-sided establishment of the category of etablis to refer to those who could prove continuous residence since before 1918; (3) the denial of the right to return to the Rum Polites who had temporarily left during the war or the Allied Occupation, and the confiscation of their property; (4) various constraints and intimidation imposed on the Ecumenical Patriarchate, and the de facto instituting of the Turkish Orthodox Patriarchate in Galata; and (5) the dismissal, punishment, or expulsion of many hundreds of Rum Polites from Istanbul and the islands of Imvros and Tenedos, among others. For more, see Alexandris (1983) and Oran (2004).
- 17.
Restrictions in 1925: Commissions composed of minorities were asked to give a written statement declaring that they were denouncing their minority rights in the name of equality in the Turkish Republic, which was done first by the Jews, then by the Armenians, and finally and with much difficulty, by the Rum Orthodox (Alexandris 1983, 138).
- 18.
Restrictions on the Professions of Minorities: Law no. 2007, dated 11 June 1932, titled “Law on the arts and services in Turkey rendered exclusive to Turkish citizens,” prohibited a wide range of professions to non-Turks, including those of barber, waiter, singer, construction worker, stockbroker, plumber, driver, and so on. For the full text of the law, see Aktar (2000, 120). This act caused thousands of Greek national Rum Polites to remain jobless and migrate to Athens (Alexandris 1983, 185).
- 19.
Wealth Tax: Law no. 4305, dated 11 November 1942, titled “Wealth Tax Law,” was enforced when a commission calculated the tax amount to be paid by distributing the taxpayers into four categories (Muslim, non-Muslim, Foreigner, Dönme). Lists were made public in a month, due dates were just 15 days later, and no delays or appeals were allowed. Those who could not pay their taxes in full were subjected to haciz, and if the amount from sales did not cover the debt, they were sent to a labor camp in Eastern Turkey, where they had to work under very harsh conditions until they paid their taxes. This measure was only applied to non-Muslims, of whom 21 died while in the camp. After international pressure, the law was canceled on 15 March 1944. See Ökte (1951), Akar (1992), and Aktar (1996, 2000).
- 20.
1964 Expulsions: The İnönü government one-sidedly annulled the so-called friendship treaty signed between Atatürk and Venizelos in 1930, on 16 March 1964, followed by the cancelation of a series of similar treaties (Demir and Akar 1994, 55–57). Then the property titles of the Greek Rum were annulled and their bank accounts were frozen. Finally, their residence permits were canceled, and they were forced to leave the country within 15 days. Including their families and dependants, over 40,000 Rum Polites are estimated to have left. See Demir and Akar (1994).
- 21.
Events of 6–7 September 1955: The overnight pogrom known as Septemvriana in Greek. Attacks by mobs on Rum-owned private and public buildings in Istanbul, Izmir, Imvros, and Tenedos. See Chap. 4 for more.
- 22.
1974 Cyprus Events: Turkish Military Forces landed in Northern Cyprus to engage in what is called Peace Maneuver or Invasion or Occupation, as a result of which the island split into two zones between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. This led to demonstrations against the Rum Polites in Istanbul.
- 23.
With roots in the late Ottoman Empire (see Yıldız 2001; Ersanlı 2003; Landau 1981), Turkification is the process of establishing the political and economic supremacy of the ethnically Turkish and Muslim Sunni population in Turkey. For analytical approaches to the effects of Turkification with respect to minority policies, see, for example, Aktar (2000, 2009), Bali (1999), Akar (1992), and Güven (2005).
- 24.
- 25.
White Russians are migrants from the Russian Empire who escaped before or after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. See Deleon (1995).
- 26.
In the context of Istanbul, West and East correspond quite literally to Europe and Asia, the continents on the two shores of the Bosphorus Strait.
- 27.
The symbolism of the double-headed eagle has ancient Near-Eastern origins (Collins 2010) and is still used today in the region and worldwide in various forms. The version used here is a black figure on a bright yellow background and is recognizable as a reference to Orthodox Church (Kokkonis-Lambropoulos and Korres-Zografos 1997; Zapheriou 1947).
- 28.
- 29.
Both gender and religion are intrinsic parts of cultural identity and are therefore expected to be underlined in an ethnography. Even though I may not think of them as two of my salient characteristics, my being a woman and a non-practicing or secular Muslim is likely to have been taken for granted by my informants. because they were hardly ever reflected upon during the fieldwork, it is hard for me to consider reflexively what effect they may have made on the ethnographic encounter, although one can be certain that they did.
- 30.
- 31.
An international conference with the objective of bringing together Rum Polites worldwide took place in Istanbul in July 2006. Proceedings of the widely attended conference were published in Turkish and in Greek. See Benlisoy (2012).
- 32.
- 33.
I conducted what I call “encounter interviews ” with small groups of people from both parts of the Rum Polites, living in Istanbul and in Athens, who came together to talk about their shared experiences. I found that this not only eased the difficulty of reciting bittersweet memories of displacement but also made it more desirable to display their recollections to an audience that shared and understood them without being judgmental. I also believe that this way of having an open conversation limited the bias involved in the ethnographic encounter in comparison with the potential bias in an interview between one informant and the researcher.
- 34.
Frappé is a particular kind of iced coffee that is widely consumed in Greece all year round.
- 35.
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Örs, İ.R. (2018). Introduction: Basics and Beginnings. In: Diaspora of the City. Palgrave Studies in Urban Anthropology. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55486-4_1
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