Abstract
In the mock courtroom at the Red Hook Community Justice Center (RHCJC)—a multi-jurisdictional problem-solving court and community center located in the heart of the Red Hook neighborhood of Brooklyn, New York—a group of African-American and Latino/Hispanic teenagers, fourteen to eighteen years of age (although most are fifteen or sixteen), had gathered for a group interview. Each was hoping to earn a place in a nine- to ten-week-long unpaid training program for the Red Hook Youth Court (RHYC)—a juvenile diversion program designed to prevent the formal processing of juvenile offenders (usually first-time offenders) within the juvenile justice system. The teenagers who are selected from the pool of applicants must complete the training program and pass a “bar exam” in order to serve as RHYC members, where they will help resolve actual cases involving their peers (e.g., assault, fare evasion, truancy, vandalism).
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- 1.
In this book, I use the terms “adolescents,” “juveniles,” “kids,” “teens,” “teenagers,” “young people,” and “youths” interchangeably (although “kids” and “youths” appear most frequently, and I tend to shy away from using “juvenile” because of its legal evocations and often pejorative connotations). While I am aware that these terms reflect different age groups in different contexts and across cultures (see, e.g., Chokprajakchat et al. 2015:315; Garot 2010:1, 13; Matthews 2012:36 [citing Burr 2003]; Olsson 2012:417, 421; Stephens 1996:75; Young 1992:34), and while I am appreciative of the contributions of historians, sociologists, and cultural studies scholars who have explored the cultural expressions of twentieth-century youth (see, e.g., Austin and Willard 1998)—as well as cognizant of the dynamics and features of “emerging adulthood” in psychology (see, e.g., Arnett 2000, 2004; cf. Bynner 2005; Hayward 2012, 2013 for criticisms)—my choice of terms reflects the language of my informants. Two of the programs that I studied contained the word “youth” in their titles. Program participants frequently referred to each other as “kids,” and RHCJC staff also tended to call RHYC members and other program members “kids.” As Barrett (2013:16) explains in defense of her use of the terms “kid” and “kids” in her ethnographic account of the Manhattan Youth Part’s experiment in attempting to provide legal alternatives for black and Hispanic boys from poor urban communities facing felony charges and possible incarceration,
while many terms could be used to describe the young defendants who come before the Youth Part—adolescents, juveniles, children, teenagers—I most frequently use ‘kid’ or ‘kids,’ simply because this is the way that court actors most commonly referred to Youth Part defendants. Phrases such as ‘these kids,’ ‘our kids,’ or ‘I have a kid’ were used repeatedly in conversations by the judge, attorneys, court officers, detention facility personnel, program representatives, and parents. Also, ‘kid’ is what the average person would use if he or she saw any one of these youngsters on the street, as in, ‘Yesterday I saw this kid who was wearing a t-shirt that came down to his knees.’ By using common descriptors, rather than those inscribed by the criminal justice system, it is my intention to stand in contrast to the majority of criminal justice research on court-involved youths, which tends to depict them more as criminal justice system objects than as real human subjects.
Although the RHCJC took steps to ensure that the young people who appeared before the RHYC for a transgression or crime were not treated as “criminal justice system objects”—in part, by referring to them as “respondents,” rather than “defendants” (see Chapter 3)—and although the focus of this book is on young people involved in the RHYC as members rather than as respondents—I share Barrett’s broad concern about the depiction of youth in the criminal justice system, subscribe to the same logic and reasoning, and thus follow her terminological lead in this book.
All of the kids’ names are pseudonyms. I use the real names of those RHCJC staff members who granted me this permission, and for those who did not, I use pseudonyms as well.
- 2.
See “Stop Snitchin’,” 60 Minutes, Anderson Cooper, correspondent, April 19, 2007, http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2007/04/19/60minutes/main2704565.shtml; see also Katel (2007:120, 126, 134). Cam’ron went so far as to admit that he had refused to aid an investigation in which he was shot, on the grounds that talking to the police about a crime “would definitely hurt [his] business” (quoted in Katel 2007:134).
- 3.
RHYC interviewees and members almost always expressed the belief that crime and delinquency were the product of willful behavior. Although, as we will see in Chapter 4, RHYC members would ask respondents about their relationship to their peers, their family members, and their teachers, they rarely—if ever—attributed an offense to (or even acknowledged the potential role of) external circumstances and constraints. Perhaps relatedly, RHYC interviewees and members were more likely to convey the belief that “even the most persistent offenders can redeem themselves and turn their lives around” than “‘once a criminal, always a criminal,’” to use the language of Maruna and King (2009:9).
- 4.
This interpretation of “crime” as “violent crime” (or this equation of “crime” with “violent crime”) could be attributed, at least in part, to the superpredator moral panic of the late 1980s/early 1990s, which transformed the political and media discourse about crime committed by juveniles—a discourse that, one could argue, has not changed despite subsequent refutation of the supposed impending threat of the superpredator. As Barrett (2013:10) explains, “political and media discourse…tended to conflate the concept of juvenile crime with the concept of serious youth violence” (emphasis in original; footnote omitted), despite the fact that “the vast majority of offenses committed by youths involve property and public disorder crimes, not violent crime.” It is possible that the kids picked up on this discourse, leading them to construe “committing a crime” as “committing a violent crime.”
- 5.
Maldonado’s Secret Saturdays is essentially an account of how one boy comes to grapple with his concerns for his best friend, who suddenly starts getting into trouble and begins spiraling out of control. As Maldonado explains, the protagonist, Justin, a Red Hook middle-schooler, must negotiate his feelings without expressing publicly his worry so as not to come across as “gay” (2010:47). In Maldonado’s book, those who earn the moniker “homo,” irrespective of their actual sexuality, frequently encounter—or run the risk of encountering—verbal and physical assaults. The youths that I encountered at the RHCJC did not express as strident homophobia as those in Secret Saturdays, and I even encountered a number of openly lesbian girls, who were treated with respect and whose sexuality seemed to be a non-issue for everyone in their group. But the unwritten imperative of acting “hard” and keeping one’s emotions to oneself was definitely present among the youths I studied.
- 6.
This type of equation is not uncommon, although it is becoming less accepted. Ice-T (Tracy Marrow), the rapper and founder/frontman of the group Body Count, which gained much notoriety in the early 1990s for its vigilante justice–supporting song “Cop Killer,” makes the following distinction: “‘When you and your partner are involved in crime, and both of y’all get caught and you tell on your partner, that’s snitching…If I know somebody’s in the neighborhood raping girls—you supposed to tell the police about that sucka. That’s not snitching’” (quoted in Katel 2007:120).
- 7.
I would also note that the kids never equated youth court with “doing something.” It was rather surprising to see the kids predict that they would not report or otherwise attempt to thwart a crime in progress—or for the kids to profess a belief that one should not “do something” in such circumstances—while interviewing for a position with the RHYC when they would very much be “doing something.” Admittedly, youth court hearings occur ex post—after the commission of a crime—whereas the hypothetical scenario in the corner game suggests intervention at the time of the crime. But youth court is still a type of involvement and I hardly think that even the most resistant interviewee would (have) contemplate(d) declaring, “I don’t want to hear this case. It’s none of my business.”
- 8.
- 9.
- 10.
- 11.
Skogan (2006) finds support in both the United States and abroad. Johnson (2015a) reports that in the United States, “[e]very year, more than 1 million young people get arrested and enter the juvenile justice system for offenses as varied as breaking curfew to murder.” Barrett and colleagues (2014:207), in their study of levels of satisfaction with policing in black minority ethnic communities in northern England, note that “Young people are more likely to come into contact with the police and the criminal justice system both as perpetrators of crime and as victims (Home Affairs Committee 2007),” while Chokprajakchat and colleagues (2015:312, 314), in their research on young people’s perspectives on violence, victimization, and punishment in Thailand, observe that “[a]dolescents compared to other age groups are at the highest risk of victimization” and that “young people, and particularly males, are more likely to be victims of crime (Sampson and Laub 1993).”
- 12.
Elsewhere, Young (1992:42–3) states that “the police are largely dependent on public support in their efforts to control crime (see Kinsey et al. 1986) and the effect of the CJS is, in part, predicated upon the level at which public opinion backs up state stigmatization (Braithwaite 1989).”
- 13.
It bears mention that people’s attitudes toward crime, violence, and victimization, as well as perceptions of the law, legal authorities, and legal institutions often reflect a degree of ambivalence (see, e.g., Ewick and Silbey 1998:228, 245, 246; Greenhouse 1988:691; Peletz 2002:290). More generally, Agnew (2011:171), while discussing the assumptions of positivistic criminologists, notes that not only do different respondents provide different information about the same phenomena, but that “it is sometimes the case that respondents do not even agree with themselves. In particular, respondents often give different reports about the same phenomena when interviewed on separate occasions” (citation omitted). In a related vein, Sandberg and colleagues (2015:1168–9) write: “a reading of research from various traditions can create the impression that when violent offenders discuss their crimes, they do so in uniform, consistent ways. By contrast, we argue that offenders’ stories are complex, even contradictory, and changeable according to the situational circumstances of their telling—a fact hidden by analyses guided by most sociological and criminological traditions”(see also Sandberg 2010:457, 2013:80).
- 14.
One should also bear in mind Olsson’s (2012:416) point that “consulting with children and taking their opinions seriously provides vital information about children’s unique outlook on reality and also helps them feel included in society.”
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Brisman, A. (2016). The Corners of Crime: An Introduction. In: Geometries of Crime. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-54620-3_1
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