Abstract
Between the fin de siècle and the zenith of the welfare state lay not only two world wars and a Great Depression, but also the rise and decline of micro-insurance provided by modern trade unions. Unions kept alive working models of large-scale micro-insurance and, indeed, developed the only viable such model in the case of unemployment. They did so in a country undergoing economic, religious, political, and social transformation. We will discuss the scope of coverage, and terms and conditions, including those relating to classic insurance issues. We discuss the place of micro-insurance among unionists and the population at large, its place in the political climate of de-pillarization, economic growth, and the egalitarian revolution, and its role in the mixed economy of welfare, where state insurance seemed destined to dominate forever.
A version of this chapter has been published in the Economic History Review, where it benefited greatly from comments by George Boyer, Joost van Genabeek, Chris Gordon, Michael Hechter, Lex Heerma van Voss, Ivo Kuypers, Marcel van der Linden, Erik Nijhof, Carine van Oosteren, Arthur van Riel, Peter Schrage, Marlou Schrover, Henk van der Velden, Hanke van Vonderen, and the anonymous referees of the EcHR. Pascal Kreijen and Hanke van Vonderen kindly assisted in collecting data. I am most grateful to all.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
- 3.
The following is based on Schwitters (1991, pp. 4, 47–51, 78, 100, 209–10, 230–5).
- 4.
By then, it was compulsory to have at least four years’ secondary education, a period extended in 1975 to the year in which the child became 17. Tertiary education was not compulsory, but an ever-increasing proportion of the Dutch population, young men and women, did take advantage of it, especially after 1945. See Jensma and de Vries (1997) and Mandemakers (1999).
- 5.
Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek (2014).
- 6.
- 7.
De Rooy (1983, pp. 155, 139).
- 8.
Ibid., pp. 208–12, 221, 225.
- 9.
- 10.
It is generally held that the CBS data are reliable. The data may, nevertheless, suffer from a mild form of under-registration as unions did not always send the CBS all the data requested, either because of mistrust and a penchant for secrecy or simply because they forgot. A further potential source of under-registration is the fact that some unions may have supplied incomplete information to the CBS in the form of data that failed to meet the requirements of the material on which Table 4.1 is based. If so, the aggregated totals in Table 4.1 should differ significantly from the simple totals provided by the CBS. To test this, the numbers of union members in Table 4.1 have been compared with the totals in Harmsen and Reinalda (1975, pp. 426–9), which are based on simple CBS totals. On average, data in Table 4.1 were 3% lower, which could be due in part to small differences in the date to which the data refer, although both sets of data should in theory relate to 1 January. The difference is greatest in 1921, when it amounts to 11%. In addition, the number of unionists insured against unemployment in Table 4.1 has been compared with the totals tabulated in the CBS, Jaarcijfers for the years 1921–40. The data in Table 4.1 are 1% lower than the simple CBS totals. The difference is greatest (7%) in 1921, which could be due to under-registration but also to differences in the date to which the data relate, especially because membership at that time fluctuated markedly. So, generally, save perhaps for 1921, the tabulated data do not appear to show evidence of gross under-registration.
- 11.
Several definitions of the labour force can be employed. Comparative trade union research often makes use of the data published by Visser (1989). These data have been used here as well. While Fig. 4.2 shows the ensuing percentages of insured unionists in the labour force thus defined, the underlying data in Table 4.1 will allow the reader to construct figures based on an alternative definition of the labour force.
- 12.
A limited cross-validation is possible by comparing data on socialist unemployment schemes in 1915 with those for all unions in Table 4.5 as reported by the Staatscommissie (1914, vol. ix, pp. 1147–245). The average eligibility requirement was 55 weeks (Table 4.2) compared with 53 weeks (national survey), the average period of coverage 54 days and 57 days respectively, and the average weekly allowance five guilders in both sources. A further cross-validation is possible by comparing the average level of unemployment benefit offered by socialist and Protestant unions, given in Tables 4.2 and 4.3, with a published national series. This series relates to all unionists, rather than just socialists or Protestants, and was estimated using sources and methods different from those used here. It gives only one average as opposed to one for married and one for unmarried union members; nor does it include agricultural workers, whose allowances were lower on average than those of non-agricultural workers. The national series suggests levels of unemployment benefit averaged 5 guilders (1915), 14 guilders (1920), 12 guilders (1925), 13 guilders (1930), and 13 guilders (1934). See Schrage et al. (1989, p. 393). These figures correspond closely with the data in Tables 4.2 and 4.3: all show the same pattern of change, and their respective levels are similar. The sources for Tables 4.2 and 4.3 do not give information on years after 1934.
- 13.
Van der Veen and van Zanden (1984, p. 223).
- 14.
In 1910–11, average weekly income was 17 guilders, of which 14 guilders was earned by men. In 1918, average weekly income was 26 guilders, of which 21 guilders was earned by men. No such data are available for 1920, but an estimate can be obtained by using the figures for 1918 and inflating them according to an index of nominal wages. See ibid., p. 228. The result suggests average weekly incomes in 1920 of 31 guilders, of which 21 guilders was earned by men.
- 15.
Cf. Emery and Emery (1999, Chap. 4, esp. pp. 64–85). On p. 5 they note that for the United States ‘friendly society insurance provisions were more efficient than those of commercial insurers’.
- 16.
Goedhart (1926, pp. 54–5).
- 17.
- 18.
- 19.
- 20.
Staatscommissie (1914, vol. ix, p. 867). The quote is from the minority report, but the majority thought likewise. See pp. 806–16.
- 21.
Ibid., vol. ix, pp. 731, 757–8. See also Goedhart (1926, p. 16) and Morren (1941, p. 3). The foreign insurers were La mutuelle Parisienne, La mutuelle du foyer, Die Norddeutsche Versicherung- und Rentenbank in Hamburg, and Der Zentralverein für Versicherung gegen Unverschuldete Arbeitslosigkeit in Stuttgart.
- 22.
Webb and Webb (1897, p. 156) and Hanson (1975, pp. 255–6).
- 23.
Hechter and Kanazawa (1993, esp. pp. 460–1, 480).
- 24.
This was not invariably the case, as is illustrated by the example to be discussed later, which relates to workers in the city of Maastricht choosing between a Catholic and a socialist union based on the level of union benefits.
- 25.
Soeteman (1962, p. 137).
- 26.
- 27.
Morren (1941, p. 77).
- 28.
Ibid., pp. 96–7, 134–5.
- 29.
Goedhart (1926, p. 90).
- 30.
- 31.
Oudegeest (1914, p. 37).
- 32.
As advocated, for example, by van Tijn (1976).
- 33.
- 34.
Olson (1965, p. 91).
- 35.
- 36.
Examples of union strength are strikes and shop-floor visibility, while cost-benefit considerations include the extent of union/non-union wage differentials and fringe benefits.
- 37.
Bymholt (1894, vol. 2, pp. 403, 405).
- 38.
Cillekens and Roebroeks (1983, pp. 65, 83, 114–5).
- 39.
Van de Vall (1963, p. 153).
- 40.
- 41.
Van de Vall (1963, pp. 147–8).
- 42.
It should be noted, however, that the survey was conducted during a period when unionists were dissatisfied with what they perceived to be the complacent attitude of the union with regard to wage increases. See van den Berg (1995, p. 65).
- 43.
Ibid., p. 60. See also Visser (1989, pp. 150–1). If part-time workers are excluded from the labour force, this process of de-unionization appears less volatile (with peaks in 1950 and in the mid-1970s of 43%, and a subsequent drop). If only active union members are taken into account—that is excluding retired members, conscripts, and the disabled—one sees an almost constant decline from a peak of 42% in 1950.
- 44.
Van den Berg (1995, Chap. 5).
- 45.
Van de Vall (1963, pp. 101, 216–7).
- 46.
Windmuller et al. (1987, p. 323).
- 47.
- 48.
- 49.
Schrage and Nijhof (1992, p. 40). In 1938, an NVV official claimed union benefits had steadily declined, while government support had grown. See Kuypers and Schrage (1997). However, union unemployment benefits were the same in 1938 as they had been in, for example, 1934, both in absolute terms and as a percentage of average wages (see van der Veen and van Zanden 1984</CitationRef>, p. 228 and Schrage et al. 1989, p. 393). Unfortunately, no data are available on benefits in later years, nor on insurance conditions such as level of contributions or the duration of, and qualification for, entitlements.
- 50.
Morren (1941, p. 86).
- 51.
Harmsen et al. (1980, pp. 191–4).
- 52.
Japenga and van der Velden (1992, p. 503). Commercial insurers had not been very profitable: between 1910 and 1930, 17 out of 29 went bankrupt. See Vonk (2012, p. 170). In the first half of the twentieth century, new and costly medical treatments such as X-rays and the use of radioactive materials came into use. See Vonk (2012, p. 168).
- 53.
Staatsblad, 13 June 1963, p. 284, taking effect on 1 January 1965.
- 54.
- 55.
It is not entirely clear what constitutes a collective agreement (CAO or collectieve arbeidsovereenkomst) and what constitutes a so-called company regulation (arbeidsreglement). In principle, the latter deal with minor labour conditions, unilaterally imposed by a company and governing such matters as lunch hours, drinking, or cursing. In practice, they sometimes contain provisions for matters normally dealt with under a collective agreement. The data refer only to what employers (and unions) called a collective agreement, and thus miss some of the collective labour agreements presented as company regulations. See Schrover (1991, pp. 13–5).
- 56.
A 1950 report mentions, for example, the end or imminent end of such funds in the metal, cigar, textile, and shoe industries. A CBS report for 1954 records that average benefits under the Family Allowances Act were 1 guilder in 1947 and 1.4 guilders in 1954.
- 57.
If one were to focus on other subgroups, male workers in the construction industry for example, one might well see even higher levels. In relation to this, it should be remembered that collective agreements were not the only source of welfare. Trade union insurance, social security laws, poor relief, company schemes, and micro-insurance by trade unions or friendly societies all operated in the field of welfare. Combined, these welfare arrangements covered significant sections of the population.
- 58.
While the CBS data continued to give information on provisions relating to illness in collective agreements, they no longer stated the number of workers covered by each agreement. Hence it is not possible to extend the table to include the post-war years. To give an impression of the situation, the CBS report for 1950 makes it clear that many collective agreements stipulated that workers who were ill would receive wages—either in full or 80% of their normal wage—during the karenztime, and that afterwards statutory sick benefits would be supplemented. The report shows that the same happened in the event of industrial accidents.
- 59.
- 60.
The following example relates to the sphere of labour conditions in general and not to social welfare in the narrow sense. In 1965, paper mill employers wanted continuous working shifts instead of the existing three shifts a day. This meant some workers would have to work at unsocial hours, and there was strong worker opposition. Trade unions were more understanding, as they accepted management’s argument that competition from Germany and Sweden made continuous shifts a necessity. The unions agreed, and many of their members resigned. By way of concession, employers accepted a longstanding union desire, namely for employers to subsidize the unions. Subsidies meant contributions could be reduced, which might persuade irate workers to remain in the union or help the union to attract non-unionized workers. Of course, it also implied unions becoming less dependent on their members. For this reason, the agreement was controversial among unions, as it was, too, among employers’ organizations, which felt uneasy about employers subsidizing unions. See Windmuller et al. (1987, pp. 315–9).
- 61.
Quoted by Rutjens (1993, p. 51).
- 62.
Fase (1982, p. 15). This process benefited workers without collective bargaining agreements; it was probably neutral for unionists, but it was problematic for unions as it deprived such agreements of their role in providing selective incentives.
- 63.
Unfortunately, almost nothing is known about union pension schemes in the Netherlands, save that, as Table 4.1 has shown, it was a marginal phenomenon compared with other Dutch union welfare provisions. Due to the regularities of mortality patterns as captured in a life table and the irregularities of the business cycle, predicting the number of beneficiaries of old age pensions is much easier than predicting the number of those entitled to unemployment benefits. If, nonetheless, contributions to pension schemes prove actuarially unsound—for example, through carelessness or because of a marked rise in life expectancy—the ensuing financial strains easily become burdensome, as old age pensions are generally paid out for a longer period than unemployment benefits. See Hanson (1975, pp. 251–3), Musson (1976, p. 628), and Fukasawa (1997). See also, however, Thane (1976).
- 64.
- 65.
Beveridge (1909, pp. 224–5). ‘Indefinitely’ is not to be taken literally: ‘of the 44 “principal” unions outside the cotton trade paying unemployment benefits in 1899, 27 made allowances for 20 consecutive weeks or more’. Ibid.
- 66.
Webb and Webb (1897, p. 158).
- 67.
- 68.
- 69.
Whiteside (1987, p. 216).
- 70.
Southall (1995, pp. 71, 81).
- 71.
- 72.
Idem (1983).
- 73.
Idem (1987, p. 213). In fact, much depended on the financial situation of a particular union and the applicability of provisions under state welfare legislation to the unionists concerned. The 1911 National Insurance Act was particularly ill-suited to cope with casual work, premised as it was on the notion of cyclical unemployment. Both structural underemployment as well as irregular work patterns would, in many cases, disqualify a worker from claiming state benefits. See idem (1979, 1980).
- 74.
Gilbert (1993, p. 280).
- 75.
- 76.
Idem (1987, pp. 213, 227). Other factors were at work as well. Sectors of the economy with a tradition of union welfare schemes declined, while other sectors without such a tradition, and as a consequence with more to gain from state welfare schemes, prospered. Furthermore, union membership was extended to include more semi-skilled workers, probably more of a ‘bad risk’ in actuarial terms. Ibid., p. 218.
- 77.
Ibid., p. 237.
- 78.
- 79.
- 80.
An issue difficult to determine at present is the extent to which individuals might belong to more than one fund. This is also relevant here because some trade union members might also have been affiliated to a non-trade union sickness fund, and if dual membership was tolerated (or unseen) they would not therefore have needed the same level of benefit in the event of illness as they needed if they were unemployed.
- 81.
See van Empel (1995).
- 82.
http://www.menzis.nl/web/Consumenten/Zorgverzekering/CollectieveZorgverzekering/ZorgcollectiefFNVMenzis (last accessed 14 June 2015).
- 83.
The Onderlinge Waarborgmaatschappij Univé Noord Groningen B.A. See http://www.unive.nl/verzekeringen, last accessed 14 June 2015.
- 84.
See https://www.freelancersunion.org, last accessed 14 June 2015, and van Grunsven (2011).
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van Leeuwen, M.H.D. (2016). The Rise and Decline of Modern Trade Union Insurance, 1900–65. In: Mutual Insurance 1550-2015. Palgrave Studies in the History of Finance. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-53110-0_4
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