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Abstract

Evans (2008a, b) argues that the ‘whole point of embracing the new language of “responsibility to protect” is that it is capable of generating an effective, consensual response in extreme, conscience-shocking cases, in a way that “right to intervene” language simply was not’. While addressing the question of ‘how humanitarian intervention could be possible’, the ICISS was aware of the need to shift the terms of the intervention debate. By adding the responsibility component to the classical conceptualisation of state sovereignty, the Report suggested ‘sovereignty as responsibility’ understanding as a first measure to prevent conscious acts of violence within states. Second, it argued, rather than a natural right to intervene, there exists for the international community the responsibilities to prevent, react, and rebuild when states themselves fail to uphold their responsibility due to either inability or unwillingness. As Finnemore and Sikkink (1998, p. 908) note, ‘[t]he relationship of new normative claims to existing norms may also influence the likeliness of their influence. This is most clearly true for norms within international law, since the power or persuasiveness of a normative claim in law is explicitly tied to the “fit” of that claim within existing normative frameworks’. In this vein, entrepreneurs of the norm differentiated the ‘responsibility to protect’ from the controversial notion of the ‘right to intervene’ and embedded the concept within the well-established principle of sovereignty. With this, they aimed to preclude any negative connotation stemming from past practices or arguments in favour of forceful interventions.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For instance, Chomsky (2011) argues that ‘R2P is a neo-imperialistic scheme serving for the hidden agenda of Western domination over non-Western states’.

  2. 2.

    Quinton-Brown (2013, p. 264) uses the term to refer to states which in their official statements indicated their support for R2P in part, rather than a full support. That is to say, these states, in principle, approved of R2P but had certain reservations or concerns considering its practice.

  3. 3.

    Soon after the appointment of Francis Deng as the Special Adviser for the Prevention of Genocide as the successor of Juan Méndez (SG/A/1070), the Secretary-General sent a letter to the President of the Security Council on 31 August 2007 addressing the issue of the appointment of a Special Adviser on RtoP. Ban Ki-Moon indicated: ‘To enable the Special Representative to have greater operational impact and in recognizing the link between large scale atrocities and threats to peace and security, his office needs to be strengthened. As part of this effort, and based on the agreement contained in paragraphs 138 and 139 of the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document, I intend to designate a Special Adviser on the Responsibility to Protect at the level of Assistant Secretary-General, on a part-time basis. Recognizing the fledgling nature of agreement on the responsibility to protect, the Special Adviser’s primary roles will be conceptual development and consensus-building’ (UNSC 2007c, p. 1).

     The appointment process revealed certain difficulties about the full-fledged adoption of R2P. During the Fifth Committee’s 23rd Meeting on 17 December 2007 a number of states (such as Cuba, Venezuela, Pakistan, China, Egypt, India, Nicaragua, and Iran) pointed to the considerable increases in the budget and asked for clarifications on the last-minute propositions while some raised their reservations regarding Secretary-General’s request to appoint a Special Adviser on the Responsibility to Protect. For instance, Pakistani representative Imtiyaz Hussain noted that ‘Pakistan’s most important concern had to do with the proposal for the appointment by the Secretary-General of a Special Adviser on Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocity. […] No such thing as “mass atrocity” had been defined in order to give the Secretary-General the mandate to make such an appointment. The General Assembly, in follow-up to the World Summit Outcome Document, had not yet pronounced itself clearly, in order to establish such a mandate. Thus, the intention to appoint a new adviser on “responsibility to protect” was in clear violation of the decision at the summit level and needed further deliberation. There had been no consensus and the current attempt was an effort to promote a point of view that had not been agreed upon’ (DPI 2007). In this vein, the states that raised reservations shared the view that as established by the World Summit Outcome Document, R2P needed to be discussed further by the General Assembly in relation to its implementation. Accordingly, they ‘refused to consider approval of any resources before approval of the mandate by the Assembly’ (DPI 2007). It was only after a modification of the title that on 21 February 2008 Edward Luck was appointed at the level of ‘Assistant Secretary-General’ as Special Adviser to the Secretary-General on the Responsibility to Protect (UNMCPR 2008).

  4. 4.

    The call for a voluntary restraint on veto has been made numerous times in the following years, last of which was made by France in 2013. For further details, see Chapter 6.

  5. 5.

    France, indeed, remained vigilant as it invoked the collective responsibility to protect upon the Burmese government’s refusal of the delivery of humanitarian aid in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis. For more details on the case, see Chapter 5.

  6. 6.

    Some examples are the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide; International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights including the Second Optional Protocol; International Covenant on Social, Economic and Cultural Rights; Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women; Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; Convention relating to the Status of Refugees as well as the 1967 Protocol; Convention on the Rights of the Child; Rome Statute of the ICC; and Arms Trade Treaty.

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Gözen Ercan, P. (2016). Tracing the Process. In: Debating the Future of the ‘Responsibility to Protect’. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-52427-0_4

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