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Abstract

This chapter discusses how the post-9/11 regional context paved the way for Turkey and Qatar to play more active roles. The chapter details how Turkey and Qatar pursued similar policies and employed similar tools in the 2000s and expanded their influences in the region. The chapter also discusses how Turkey and Qatar had developed stronger relations with the Muslim Brotherhood movement and its offshoot in the Palestine, Hamas, during the same period. The chapter shows that by the time the Arab Spring erupted, Turkey and Qatar had become the most active regional players in the Middle East.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    There is an extensive literature on Turkey’s Kurdish problem. For a concise summary, see Dogu Ergil, “The Kurdish Question in Turkey,” Journal of Democracy, 11(3) (July 2000), pp.122–135. See also Nimet Beriker-Atiyas, “The Kurdish Conflict in Turkey: Issues, Parties and Prospects,” Security Dialogues, 28(4) (December 1997), pp.439–452; Michael M. Gunter, “The Kurdish Problem in Turkey,” Middle East Journal, 42(3) (Summer 1988), pp.389–406; Michael M. Gunter, “The Continuing Kurdish Problem in Turkey after Öcalan’s Capture,” Third World Quarterly, 21(5) (2000), pp.849–869. For the Kurdish problem’s impact on Turkish foreign policy, see Robert W. Olson, The Kurdish Question and Turkish-Iranian Relations: From World War I to 1998, Costa Meza: Mazda Publishers, 1998.

  2. 2.

    Turkey abolished the sultanate in 1922 and declared itself Republic in 1923.

  3. 3.

    The full program is available at https://www.akparti.org.tr/english/akparti/parti-programme (accessed on 20 April 2014).

  4. 4.

    Abdullah Öcalan was born in 1948 in a village of Şanlı Urfa. He first studied in a vocational school and then at Faculty of Political Sciences at Ankara University. He was working as a clerk in the state when he founded the PKK.

  5. 5.

    Germany lifted this condition only in 2009. Barkın Şık, “Leopard’lara PKK’yı vurma izni,” Akşam, May 5, 2009.

  6. 6.

    For more on Turkey–Israel relations in the 1990s, see Ofra Bengio, The Turkish-Israeli Relationship: Changing Ties of Middle Eastern Outsiders, 2nd ed., New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. See also Çevik Bir and Martin Sherman, “Formula for Stability: Turkey plus Israel,” Middle East Quarterly, 9(4) (Fall 2002), pp.23–32. What makes this article particularly insightful is that one of the authors, Çevik Bir, was the deputy chief of Staff of the Turkish Armed Forces at the time of critical agreements between Turkey and Israel were made, and is seen as the Turkish architect behind the extensive relations.

  7. 7.

    For more on Turkey–Iran relations, see Robert Olson, Turkey-Iran Relations, 1979–2004: Revolution, Ideology, War, Coups and Geopolitics, Costa Mesa: Mazda Publishers, 2004.

  8. 8.

    Turkish Statistical Institute, Statistical Indicators 1923–2004, Ankara: Turkish Statistical Institute, No Date. GNP-related figures are at page 642, unemployment figures at page 153, interest rates figures are at page 554, and inflation figures are at page 535.

  9. 9.

    United Nations, World Population Prospects: The 2012 Revision, Volume I: Comprehensive Tables, New York: United Nations, 2013, p.112. Available at http://esa.un.org/unpd/wpp/Publications/Files/WPP2012_Volume-I_Comprehensive-Tables.pdf

  10. 10.

    Anthony H. Cordesman and Khalid R. Al Rodhan, Gulf Military Forces in an Era of Asymmetric War: Qatar, Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2006. Available at http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/060728_gulf_qatar.pdf

  11. 11.

    See F. Gregory Gause III, The International Politics of the Persian Gulf, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

  12. 12.

    Anthony H. Cordesman, Saudi Arabia Enters the Twenty-first Century, v.2, Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing, 2003, 71–72.

  13. 13.

    For this section, in addition to the referenced works, I also depended on Kamil Mahdy, “Qatar: History,” in Taylor & Francis Group, The Middle East and North Africa 2004, London: Europa Publications, 2004.

  14. 14.

    “World: Middle East Khatami concludes historic Gulf tour,” BBC, May 20, 1999. Available at http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/349033.stm

  15. 15.

    Mahdy, “Qatar: History.”

  16. 16.

    Cited in Uzi Rabi, “Qatar’s Relations with Israel: Challenging Arab and Gulf Norms,” Middle East Journal, 63(3) (Summer 2009), p.451.

  17. 17.

    Muhammed Zayani, ed. The Al Jazeera Phenomenon: Critical Perspectives on New Arab Media, London: Pluto Press, 2005, p.2

  18. 18.

    “60 Minutes: Inside Al Jazeera,” CBS News, October 2001. Available at http://www.cbsnews.com/news/i60-minutes-i-inside-al-jazeera/ The broad-cast was originally aired in May 2001.

  19. 19.

    “Interview transcript: Qatar’s Sheikh Hamad,” Financial Times, 24 October 2010. Available at http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/9163abca-df97-11df-bed9-00144feabdc0.html#axzz3VruX6870

  20. 20.

    See the discussion in Kamrava, Qatar: Small State, Big Politics, pp.74–75.

  21. 21.

    The figures are from the World Bank’s World Development Indicators, available at http://data.worldbank.org/products/wdi

  22. 22.

    Uzi Rabi, “Qatar,” in Ami Ayalon, ed., Middle East Contemporary Survey 1991, Boulder: Westview Press, p.611.

  23. 23.

    Youssef M. Ibrahim, “54 Qatar Citizens Petition Emir for Free Elections,” The New York Times, 13 May 1992. Available at http://www.nytimes.com/1992/05/13/world/54-qatar-citizens-petition-emir-for-free-elections.html

  24. 24.

    Peter Van Ham observed that, pretty much like firms, states also develop brands. See Peter Van Ham, “The Rise of the Brand State,” Foreign Affairs (September/October 2001). It was J.E. Peterson who described Qatar’s multiple efforts as “state branding.” See J.E. Peterson, “Qatar and the World: Branding for a Micro-State,” Middle East Journal, 60(4) (Autumn 2006), pp.732–748.

  25. 25.

    Mehran Kamrava, “Royal Factionalism and Political Liberalization in Qatar,” Middle East Journal, 63(3) (Summer 2009), p.401.

  26. 26.

    Cited in Jennifer Lambert, “Political Reform in Qatar: Participation, Legitimacy and Security,” Middle East Policy Council, 18(1) (Spring 2011).

  27. 27.

    See Louay Bahry, “Elections in Qatar: A Window of Democracy Opens in the Gulf,” Middle East Policy, 6(4) (June 1999), pp.118–127.

  28. 28.

    Lambert, “Political Reform in Qatar: Participation, Legitimacy and Security.”

  29. 29.

    See UN Secretary General’s MDG Advocacy Group, HH Sheikha Moza bint Nasser, http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/advocates/members/hhs-sheikha-moza-bint-naser.shtml

  30. 30.

    Amy Hawthorne and Amal Winter, Qatar: Training for Women Candidates 1999 Central Municipal Council Elections, International Foundation for Election Systems, December 1998. Available at https://www.ifes.org/sites/default/files/r01810.pdf

  31. 31.

    “AKP’ye Kapatma Davası,” Milliyet, March 14, 2008.

  32. 32.

    “Kapatma Yok, Ciddi Ihtar Var,” Milliyet, July 31, 2008.

  33. 33.

    Kemal Kirişçi, “The December 2004 European Council Decision on Turkey: Is it an Historic Turning Point?” The Middle East Review of International Affairs, 8(4) (Dec., 2004).

  34. 34.

    Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, “My Country Is Your Faithful Ally,” The Wall Street Journal, 31 March 2003. Available at http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB104907941058746300

  35. 35.

    “Erdoğan: ‘Türkiye ekonomisi için yeni bir sayfa açılmıştır,” Milliyet, June 8, 2004. http://www.milliyet.com.tr/2004/06/08/son/sonsiy09.html

  36. 36.

    Paul Wolfowitz, “Turkey and America: Partners at the Crossroads of History,” Department of Defense, July 14, 2004. Available at http://www.defense.gov/Speeches/Speech.aspx?SpeechID=268

  37. 37.

    “George Bush addresses the NATO summit in Turkey,” The Guardian, 29 June 2004. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/jun/29/eu.nato1

  38. 38.

    Ariane Bonzon, “Did the Turkish liberal intellectuals act as the Islamists’ ‘useful idiots’?” Jan. 4, 2014. Available at http://arianebonzon.fr/did-the-liberal-intellectuals-act-as-the-islamists-useful-idiots/

  39. 39.

    For a more thorough discussion, see Mehran Kamrava, Qatar: Small State, Big Politics, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2013, chapter.4.

  40. 40.

    The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2014. Available at http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.PCAP.CD

  41. 41.

    “60 Minutes: Inside Al Jazeera,” CBS News, October 2001. Available at http://www.cbsnews.com/news/i60-minutes-i-inside-al-jazeera. The broadcast was originally aired in May 2001.

  42. 42.

    George W. Bush, “Remarks to the Troops at Camp As Sayliyah, Qatar,” June 5, 2005. Available at http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=64952

  43. 43.

    See Kamrava, Qatar: Small State, Big Politics, chapter.5.

  44. 44.

    See the discussion in Kamrava, Qatar: Small State, Big Politics, pp.96–102.

  45. 45.

    Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, Qatar and the Arab Spring, London: C. Hurst & Co., 2014.

  46. 46.

    Kemal Kirişçi, “The Transformation of Turkish foreign policy: The rise of the trading state,” New Perspectives on Turkey, 40 (2009), pp.29–57.

  47. 47.

    Cited in Ariel Farrar-Wellman, “Qatar-Iran Foreign Relations, American Enterprise Institute Iran Tracker, 23 February 2010. Available at http://www.irantracker.org/foreign-relations/qatar-iran-foreign-relations

  48. 48.

    For more on Turkey’s energy policy, see Katinka Barysch, “Turkey’s role in European Energy Security,” Center for European Reform Essays, 2007. Available at http://www.cer.org.uk/pdf/essay_turkey_energy_12dec07.pdf and Şaban Kardaş, “Turkish-Azerbaijani Energy Cooperation and Nabucco: Testing the Limits of the New Turkish Foreign Policy Rhetoric,” Turkish Studies, 12(1) (2001), pp.55–77.

  49. 49.

    Turkey also canceled visa requirements with Yemen, Jordan, and Lebanon.

  50. 50.

    Cited in Veysel Ayhan, “Geçmişten Geleceğe Türkiye-Suudi Arabistan İlişkileri,” Ortadoğu Analiz, 2(23) (Nov., 2010), p.31.

  51. 51.

    The press release is available at http://kfip.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/SI-2010-PR.pdf

  52. 52.

    See the information provided by NATO at http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_58787.htm?

  53. 53.

    T.C. Başbakanlık Kanun Tasarısı, “Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ve Körfez Arap Ülkeleri İşbirliği Konseyi Üyesi Ülkeler Arasında Ekonomik İşbirliğine ilişkin Çerçeve Anlaşma,” Oct. 27, 2005. Available at http://www2.tbmm.gov.tr/d23/1/1-0322.pdf

  54. 54.

    Mariam Al Hakeem, “GCC Names Turkey First Strategic Partner Outside the Gulf,” Gulf News, Sept., 3, 2008. Available at http://gulfnews.com/news/gulf/uae/general/gcc-names-turkey-first-strategic-partner-outside-the-gulf-1.129631

  55. 55.

    Al Hakeem, “GCC Names Turkey First Strategic Partner Outside the Gulf.”

  56. 56.

    The full text of the joint statement can be found at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey at http://www.mfa.gov.tr, Available at http://www.mfa.gov.tr/joint-statement-of--the-joint-ministerial-meeting-of-the-gcc-turkey-high-level-strategic-dialogue-istanbul-_-turkey_-8-July-2009.en.mfa

  57. 57.

    “Prime Minister Erdoğan tells ADL that “Anti-Semitism Has No Place in Turkey,” ADL Press Release, June 10, 2005. Available at http://archive.adl.org/presrele/asint_13/4730_13.html#.VZErJxOqpHw

  58. 58.

    Mustafa Gürlek and Elif Eşit, “CHP’li Erdoğdu: AKP, İsrail’in dostluğunu kazanmak için lobilere 65 milyon aktardı,” Zaman, Feb. 17, 2015. Available http://www.zaman.com.tr/politika_chpli-erdogdu-akp-israilin-dostlugunu-kazanmak-icin-lobilere-65-milyon-dolar-aktardi_2278284.html

  59. 59.

    On the changing relations between Turkey and Israel, see Hasan Kösebalaban, “The Crisis in Turkish-Israeli Relations: What is Its Strategic Significance,” Middle East Policy, 17(3) (Fall 2010), pp.36–50.

  60. 60.

    Diplomatic relations between Turkey and Israel were upgraded to the ambassadorial level in 1991.

  61. 61.

    “İsrail’e 5 Yaptırım,” Anadolu News Agency, Sept. 2, 2011. Available at http://www.aa.com.tr/tr/manset/91199-israile-5-maddelik-yaptirim

  62. 62.

    Uzi Rabi, “Qatar’s Relations with Israel: Challenging Arab and Gulf Norms,” Middle East Journal, 63(3) (Summer 2009), p.452.

  63. 63.

    Rabi, “Qatar’s Relations with Israel: Challenging Arab and Gulf Norms.”

  64. 64.

    Avi Issacharoff, “Peres in Qatar meets with Emir and international students,” Haaretz, Jan. 31, 2007. Available at http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/peres-in-qatar-meets-with-emir-and-international-students-1.211560

  65. 65.

    Cited in Rabi, “Qatar’s Relations with Israel: Challenging Arab and Gulf Norms,” p.458.

  66. 66.

    I should add that both Turkey and Qatar engaged in mediation efforts outside of the Middle East as well such as Afghanistan and the Philippines.

  67. 67.

    I should note that Gulf specialists note this factor to explain Qatar’s rise in mediation.

  68. 68.

    Meliha Altunışık, “The Possibilities and Limits of Turkey’s Soft Power in the Middle East,” Insight Turkey, 10(2) (2008), p.51

  69. 69.

    See Mesut Özcan, “Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Iraq in 2009,” Perceptions, 15(3–4) (Autumn–Winter 2010), pp.113–132.

  70. 70.

    For more on Turkey’s mediation, see Aylin G. Gürzel and Eyüp Ersoy, “Turkey and Iran’s Nuclear Program,” Middle East Policy Council, 19(1) (Spring 2012). Available at http://www.mepc.org/journal/middle-east-policy-archives/turkey-and-irans-nuclear-program?print

  71. 71.

    For more details on Qatar’s mediation efforts, see Sultan Barakat, “The Qatari Spring: Qatar’s emerging role in peacemaking,” London: LSE Kuwaiti Programme Working Paper No. 24, July 2012 and Mehran Kamrava, “Mediation and Qatari Foreign Policy,” Middle East Journal, 65(4) (Autumn 2011), pp.539–556.

  72. 72.

    For the expansion of the Brotherhood into Syria, Lebanon, and the Palestine, see Abdal Fattah Muhammad Al Awaisi, The Muslim Brothers and the Palestine Question 1928–1947; for Sudan, see Abdalwahab el Affendi, Turabi’s Revolution: Islam and Power in Sudan, London: Grey Seal, 1991; for Iraq, see Basim al Azimi, “The Muslim Brotherhood: Genesis and Development,” in Falah A. Jaber, Ayatollahs, Sufis and Ideologues: State, Religion and Social Movements in Iraq, London: Saqi Books, 2002.

  73. 73.

    See David B. Roberts, “Qatar, the Ikhwan, and transnational relations in the Gulf,” POMEPS, March 2014. Available at http://pomeps.org/2014/03/18/qatar-the-ikhwan-and-transnational-relations-in-the-gulf/

  74. 74.

    Yusuf Al Qaradawi is originally from Egypt. Settled in Qatar in the early 1960s, he was naturalized and had been since then living in Qatar.

  75. 75.

    See Peterson, “Qatar and the World: Branding for a Micro-State.”

  76. 76.

    This reason is suggested by Abdelaziz al Mahmoud, a Qatari journalist and novelist. See Amr al-Turabi and Tarek al Mubarak, “Qatar’s Introspective Islamists,” Asharq al Al Awsat, June 18, 2013. Available at http://www.aawsat.net/2013/06/article55306189/qatars-introspective-islamists

  77. 77.

    Cited in Ahmed Azem, “Qatar’s ties with the Muslim Brotherhood affect entire region,” The National, May 18, 2012. Available at http://www.thenational.ae/thenationalconversation/comment/qatars-ties-with-the-muslim-brotherhood-affect-entire-region

  78. 78.

    The matters Al Qaradawi expresses his opinions may range from elections to women. On the latter issue, see Naomi Sakr, “Women, Development and al Jazeera: A Balance Sheet,” in Mohamed Zayani, ed. The Al Jazeera Phenomenon: Critical Perspectives on New Arab Media, London: Pluto Press, 2005, pp.133–134.

  79. 79.

    See Anthony Shadid, “Al-Jazeera Star Mixes Tough Talk with Calls for Tolerance,” The Washington Post, Feb. 14, 2003.

  80. 80.

    Andrew Hammond, “Arab awakening: Qatar’s controversial alliance with Arab Islamists,” openDemocracy, April 25, 2013. Available at https://www.opendemocracy.net/andrew-hammond/arab-awakening-qatar%E2%80%99s-controversial-alliance-with-arab-islamists

  81. 81.

    See http://www.qfis.edu.qa/research-centres/alqaradawi-center

  82. 82.

    Fouad Ajami, “What the Muslim World Is Watching,” The New York Times, Nov. 18, 2001. Available at http://www.nytimes.com/2001/11/18/magazine/18ALJAZEERA.html?pagewanted=all

  83. 83.

    See Kristen Gillespie, “The New Face of Al Jazeera,” The Nation, 26 November 2007. Available at http://www.thenation.com/article/new-face-al-jazeera?page=0,0

  84. 84.

    There are claims that Ahmet Davutoğlu and Wadah Khanfar were actually friends. I heard this from a diplomat from Turkish Embassy in Doha. He also added that Khanfar was very receptive to the embassy’s demands regarding the coverage of Turkey. In one incidence, he told me, Al Jazeera gave more coverage time to Abdullah Gül’s visit to Egypt than it would. Hüsnü Mahalli, an Arab journalist, also notes that the two were friends. See Hüsnü Mahalli, “BOP denilen büyük oyun!” Yurt, July 30, 2013. Available at http://www.yurtgazetesi.com.tr/gundem/bop-denilen-buyuk-oyun-h39441.html

  85. 85.

    Hakan Albayrak, “Vaddah Hanfer’e vefa,” Yenişafak, Sept 24, 2011. Available at http://www.haksozhaber.net/vaddah-hanfere-vefa-22738yy.htm

  86. 86.

    Sam Cherribi notes that Al Jazeera used “Turkey as a model of democratic Islamic possibility.” Unfortunately, he does not elaborate on this point. See Sami Cherribi, “Al Jazeera Arabic, Transnational Identity and Influence,” in Holli A. Semetko and Margaret Scammell, The SAGE Handbook of Political Communication, London: SAGE Publications, 2012, p.481.

  87. 87.

    “Al Jazeera sees bridge role between Turkey, Arab world,” Hürriyet Daily News, Feb 18, 2005. Available at http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/al-jazeera-sees-bridge-role-between-turkey-arab-world.aspx?pageID=438&n=al-jazeera-sees-bridge-role-between-turkey-arab-world-2005-02-18

  88. 88.

    Wadah Khanfar, “Those who support democracy must welcome the rise of political Islam,” The Guardian, 27 November 2011. Available at http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2011/nov/27/islamist-arab-spring-west-fears

  89. 89.

    Cited in Abdülhamit Birışık, “Mevdudi İslamcılığının Türkiye’ye Giriş Biçimi ve Türkiye İslamcılığına Etkisi,” in İsmail Kara and Asım Öz, eds, Türkiye’de İslamcılık Düşüncesi ve Hareketi, İstanbul: Zeytinburnu Belediyesi, 2013, p.397.

  90. 90.

    Cited in Alison Pargeter, The Muslim Brotherhood: The Burden of Tradition, London: Saqi Books, 2010, p.121.

  91. 91.

    These names pass in Soner Yalçın, Erbakan, 3rd. ed, İstanbul: Kırmızı Kedi Yayınevi, 2013. Yalçın is an investigative journalist, who usually does not pay attention to his references. I could not confirm how he got these names.

  92. 92.

    Murat Kul, “Refah kongresinde ‘İhvan’ ağırlığı,” Milliyet, Oct 10, 1996.

  93. 93.

    On the Brotherhood presence in Europe and the USA, see Lorenzo Vidino, The New Muslim Brotherhood in the West, New York: Columbia University Press, 2010.

  94. 94.

    See Vidino, The New Muslim Brotherhood in the West, chapter.6

  95. 95.

    The names of TGTV members can be found in its website: http://www.idsb.org/tr/. The members of the Platform of Common Wisdom can be found at http://www.haber7.com/guncel/haber/1386489-203-stkdan-ortak-milli-irade-bildirisi

  96. 96.

    See the website: http://www.idsb.org/tr/

  97. 97.

    “İstanbul’da Alimler Buluşması,” Vahdet Dergisi, 1 July 2006. Available at http://www.vahdet.info.tr/isdunya/dosya6/1552.html

  98. 98.

    “Uyanın ey Müslümanlar,” Milli Gazete, 5 July 2006. Available at http://www.milligazete.com.tr/haber/Uyanin_ey_Muslumanlar/28050#.VZPaIxOqpHw

  99. 99.

    Steven G. Merley, Turkey, The Global Muslim Brotherhood and the Gaza Flotilla, Jerusalem: Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, 2011, p.17.

  100. 100.

    “International Muslim intellectuals express thanks to Turkey,” Today’s Zaman, 1 July 2010. Available at http://www.todayszaman.com/national_international-muslim-intellectuals-express-thanks-to-turkey_214776.html

  101. 101.

    “Al Qaradawi yawjah nedaaen li tawheed al ummah al islamiyya,” Islam Today, June 25, 2010. Available at http://www.islamtoday.net/albasheer/artshow-12-135230.htm

  102. 102.

    Yezid Sayigh, “Struggle within, struggle without: the transformation of PLO politics since 1982,” International Affairs, 65(2) (Spring 1989), pp.247–271.

  103. 103.

    Rosemarie Said Zahlan, Palestine and the Gulf States: The Presence at the Table, New York: Routledge, 2009, p.96.

  104. 104.

    Matthew Levitt, Hamas: Politics, Charity, and Terrorism in the Service of Jihad, New Haven: Yale University Press, pp.198–199.

  105. 105.

    Matthew Levitt and Dennis Ross, Hamas: Politics, Charity, and Terrorism in the Service of Jihad, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006, p.199.

  106. 106.

    Christopher M. Blanchard, Qatar: Background and U.S. Relations, Congressional Research Service, 16 May 2011, p.4.

  107. 107.

    The text of the speech is available at http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Events/2009/3/04-leadership/0304_leadership.PDF

  108. 108.

    O. Kunter Öymen, “Hamas Skandalı,” Milliyet, Oct 15, 1996.

  109. 109.

    Cited in Rıfat N. Balı, “The Image of the Jew in the Rhetoric of Political Islam in Turkey,” Cahiers d’Etudes sur la Mediterranee Orientale et le monde Turco-Iranien, 28 (1999), pp.2–10.

  110. 110.

    Mustafa Uzun, “Erbakan çağımızın Abdülhamid’idir,” Vakit, Dec 20, 2008. Available at http://www.haber7.com/siyaset/haber/366091-erbakan-cagimizin-abdulhamididir

  111. 111.

    “Başbakan Erdoğan: Hamas, İsrail’i tanımalıdır,” Zaman, Jan 28, 2006. Available at http://www.zaman.com.tr/gundem_basbakan-Erdoğan-hamas-israili-tanimalidir_251249.html

  112. 112.

    “Erdoğan İsrail’e demokrasi dersi verdi,” Zaman, Feb 21, 2006. Available at http://www.zaman.com.tr/gundem_Erdoğan-israile-demokrasi-dersi-verdi_258156.html

  113. 113.

    See Zeynep Atalay, “Civil Society as Soft Power: Islamic NGOs and Turkish Foreign Policy, in Riva Kastoryano, ed. Turkey between Nationalism and Globalization, New York: Columbia University Press, 2012.

  114. 114.

    International Crisis Group, Türkiye’nin İsrail ve İran Krizleri, Kriz Grubu Avrupa Raporu no.208, Sept 8, 2010, p.5. Available at http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/europe/208_Israel_and_Iran_full_report_TURKISH.pdf

  115. 115.

    A few other conferences on the Palestine were organized in 2009. See “İstanbul’da Filistin Konferansları,” Vuslat Dergisi, July 2009. Available at http://www.vahdet.info.tr/filistin/dosya7/1868.html

  116. 116.

    The conference participants can be found at http://www.ihh.org.tr/fotograf/yayinlar/dokumanlar/mescidi-aksa-sempozyumu.pdf

  117. 117.

    See “Defense Minister signs order banning Hamas-affiliated charitable organizations,” Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 7 July 2008. Available at http://www.mfa.gov.il/mfa/pressroom/2008/pages/defense%20minister%20signs%20order%20banning%20hamas-affiliated%20charitable%20organizations%207-jul-2008.aspx

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Başkan, B. (2016). Enter Turkey and Qatar. In: Turkey and Qatar in the Tangled Geopolitics of the Middle East. Palgrave Pivot, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51771-5_4

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