Abstract
Liberalism is not an Italian invention, far from it. Such a claim to Italian primacy within political thought is possible to attribute to other ‘-isms’, as we shall indeed argue in our subsequent discussions of Catholic, Fascist, and Socialist modernities. Not only is modern liberal thought not Italian, in many ways, liberal ideology in twentieth-century Italy would find itself squeezed between the much more dominant collectivist models of socialism and Christian democracy. Modern Italy is, not without reason, often described as being defined by a notoriously weak Liberalism, and sometimes even by a distinctively Italian antiliberalism. Indeed, as well noted by Nick Carter, the post hoc dismissal of ‘Liberal Italy’ as nothing but a failure, a series of unfulfilled promises, is very much due to the antiliberal currents of thought that have dominated Italian historiography from Fascism onwards.
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Notes
- 1.
Nick Carter, ‘Rethinking the Italian Liberal State’, Bulletin of Italian Politics 3, no. 2 (2011): 225–45.
- 2.
The Italian term Patria has no accurate translation. Patria remains the common term for ‘homeland’, ‘Fatherland’, ‘Motherland’ in many languages, based on the Greek πατρίδα (‘native/ancestral land’). The Italian Patria, however, is more similar to the Latin/Roman Patria, and refers to the res publica, the political constitution, the laws, and the resulting way of life (and thus also culture). Patria does not coincide with a specific territory. Romans had the term natio to define the place of birth and cultural/ethnic/linguistic features connoted to such a territory.
- 3.
Turin, Florence and Rome (the three successive capital of the Kingdom between 1861 and 1871) held work of exhibitions of the arts, production, and industry; see Guida delle Esposizioni Internationali di Roma e Torino 1911 (Milan: Ravegnati, 1911); ‘L’Esposizione di Belle Arti inaugurata alla presenza dei sovrani’, Corriere della Sera, March 28, 1911.
- 4.
Filippo Mazzonis, Monarchia e Risorgimento (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2003).
- 5.
Emilio Gentile, La Grande Italia: The Myth of the Nation in the Twentieth Century, trans. S. Dingee and J. Pudney (Madison, Wisc.: University of Wisconsin Press, 2009), 82–9.
- 6.
On this see Victor W. Turner, The Anthropology of Performance (New York: PAJ Publications, 1988); David I. Kertzer, Ritual, Politics, and Power (New Haven, Conn.; Yale University Press, 1988).
- 7.
Victor W. Turner, ‘Betwixt and Between: The Liminal Period in Rites de Passage’, in The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Nembu Ritual (Itaha, NY: Cornell University Press), 93–111: 95.
- 8.
On this, see also Peter Wagner, A Sociology of Modernity: Liberty and Discipline (London and New York: Routledge, 1994), 48–9.
- 9.
Atti Parlamentari. Senato del Regno. Legislatura XXIII, 1ª Sessione 1909–1910, Documenti, Disegni di legge e relazioni, 339-A (4 July 1910), 2.
- 10.
Gentile, La Grande Italia, 3–15; Catherine Brice ‘Il 1911 in Italia: Convergenza di poteri, frazionamenti di rappresentazioni’, Memoria e Ricerca 34 (2010): 47–62.
- 11.
Christopher Duggan, The Force of Destiny: A History of Italy since 1796 (London: Penguin, 2007), 381.
- 12.
The Second War of Independence (also known as the Campaign of Italy, Campagne d'Italie, in France), was fought by Napoleon III of France and the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia against the Austrian Empire in 1859.
- 13.
Pascoli considered himself a socialist, and in fact, spent some months in prison in 1879, for his revolutionary views. By the turn of the century, he was describing himself as a socialist-patriot. Several of his poems revealed a fascination with the grandeur and heroism manifest in the long and rich history of Italy stretching back to ancient Rome. The affection for Italy expressed in his poetry is reflected in the elaboration of a peculiar ideology, which, he insisted, was socialist, but at the same time, anti-Marxist, nationalistic, and colonialist. However, his idea of Italy as a ‘proletarian’ nation, compared to the other European nations, was taken up and popularized by theorists of nationalism such as Enrico Corradini, and became a key concept in fascist ideology. In a January 1914 speech, Corradini said: ‘Referring to the Libyan War the great poet (now dead) Giovanni Pascoli exclaimed: the great proletarian has moved. What did he mean? He wanted to show the similarity between proletarian revolt and that war waged by the humble, patient and inexhaustible Patria of emigrants and workers of the world. Remember what happened next: we were confronted not only by Turkey but by the rest of Europe. Why? What was taking place? What evil had we perpetrated? We had struck the great bourgeois, the Europe of the bankers, merchants and plutocrats. The great proletarian had attacked the social system of the European nations and they had reacted. The nations of Europe can be compared with the classes within a nation. European nations can be classified and distinguished in exactly the same way that social classes can be identified’; Enrico Corradini, Discorsi politici (1902–1923) (Florence: Vallecchi, 1925), 220–1.
- 14.
Giovanni Pascoli, Patria e umanità (Bologna: Zanichelli 1914), 1–15.
- 15.
Atti Parlamentari. Camera dei deputati. Legislatura XXIII, 1ª Sessione, Discussioni ( May 5, 1910), 6630–1.
- 16.
According to contemporary observers, feeling the tie with Garibaldi’s undertaking was ‘a necessary condition to feeling Italians’, because in that undertaking ‘the Italian people rediscover themselves after centuries of oppression, not only in their tradition and their nationality, but also in a sense of renewed youth’; see the unassigned ‘Vibrarioni patriottiche’, Corriere della Sera, May 6, 1910; see also ‘La spedizione dei Mille commemorata solennemente alla Camera’, Corriere della Sera, May 6, 1910.
- 17.
Bruno Tobia, L’Altare della Patria (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1998); Catherine Brice, Il Vittoriano. Monumentalità pubblica e politica a Roma, trans. L. Collodi (Rome: Archivio Guido Izzi, 2005).
- 18.
Giovanni Giolitti, Discorsi extraparlamentari, ed. N. Valeri (Turin: Einaudi, 1952), 254–6.
- 19.
‘Excelsior’, La Stampa, April, 20, 1911; see also Gentile, La Grande Italia, 40.
- 20.
Vincenzo Gioberti, Del Primato Morale e Civile degli Italiani, vol. I (Brussels: Dalle Stampe di Meline, Cans e Compagnia, 1843), 19.
- 21.
Ibid., 46.
- 22.
Ibid., 44.
- 23.
Giuseppe Mazzini, Scritti politici, eds. T. Grandi and A. Comba (Turin: UTET, 1972), 544.
- 24.
Ibid., 885.
- 25.
Romans, still today, jokingly call the building for the ‘wedding cake’ or the ‘typewriter’ with reference to its arguable lack of elegance.
- 26.
Giustino Fortunato, ‘Le due Italie’, La Voce, March 16, 1991, 525–7.
- 27.
See ‘Un anno di lutto’, La Civiltà Cattolica 62 (1911): 78–9; ‘Le commemorazioni patriottiche del 1911’, La Civiltà Cattolica 62 (1911): 145–7; ‘27 marzo 1862–1827 marzo 1911’, L’Osservatore Romano, March 28, 1911. On the more general critical position of Catholics and the Vatican against liberal Italy, see Guido Formigoni, L’Italia dei Cattolici. Dal Risorgimento a oggi (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2010), 35–81; Francesco Traniello, Citta dell’uomo. Cattolici, partito e Stato nella Storia d’Italia (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1998), 51–100.
- 28.
‘I due cinquantenari’, Avanti!, March 27, 1911.
- 29.
‘1° maggio 1911’, Critica Sociale, April 16, 1911, 113.
- 30.
Giuseppe Mazzini, Scritti politici editi e inediti, vol. 91 (Imola: Editrice Paolo Galeati, 1941), 162.
- 31.
‘Le feste giubilari’, La Ragione, March 19, 1911; see also ‘L’usurpazione monarchica della feste della Patria’, La Ragione, March 18, 1911; ‘Il Partito Mazziniano e il Cinquantennio’, La Ragione, June 5, 1911.
- 32.
See Salvatore Lupo, ‘Il grande brigantaggio. Interpretazioni e memoria di una Guerra civile’, in Walter Barberis (ed.), Storia d’Italia. Annali 18. Guerra e Pace (Turin: Einaudi, 2002), 465–504; John Dickie, ‘A World at War: the Italian Army and the Brigandage 1860–1870,’ History Workshop Journal 33, no. 2 (1992): 1–24; John Davis, Conflict and Control: Law and Order in Nineteenth Century Italy (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1998). See also ‘Brigandage: the Brigands of South Italy’, New York Times, October 16, 1868.
- 33.
See Luigi Mascilli Migliorini, ‘Il Risorgimento dei vinti’, and John Davis, ‘L’Antirisorgimento’, both in Eva Cecchinato and Mario Isnenghi (eds.), Fare l’Italia. Unità e disunità nel Risorgimento (Turin: UTET, 2008), respectively, 606–16 and 752–69.
- 34.
Military service has long been acknowledged as a critical element in the development of national consciousness. Eugene Weber, for instance, highlighted its importance in his classic work Peasants into Frenchmen (1976).
- 35.
Niccolò Zapponi, I miti e le ideologie. Storia della cultura italiana, 1870–1960 (Naples: ESI, 1981), 38–40; Laura Fournier-Finocchiaro, Giosuè Carducci et la construction de la nation italienne (Caen: Presses Universitaires, 2006), 115–49; Catherine Brice, Monarchie et identité national en Italie, 1861–1900 (Paris: Éditions de l'EHESS, 2010).
- 36.
Bruno Tobia, Un patria per gli italiani: spazi, monumenti, itinerari dell’Italia unita, 1870–1900. (Rome-Bari: Laterza, 1991); Bruno Tobia, ‘Col marmo e col bronzo: monumenti e memoria publica del Risorgimento’, in Mario Isnenghi and Simon Levis Sullam (eds.), Le “Tre Italie”: dalla presa di Roma alla Settimana Rossa (1870–1914) (Turin: UTET, 2009), 256–69; Massimo Baioni, La religione della Patria. Musei e istituzioni del culto risorgimentale (Treviso: Pagus, 1994); Emilio Gentile, Il culto del littorio: La sacralizzazione della politica nell’Italia fascista (Rome-Bari: Laterza, 1993), 5–38.
- 37.
Roberto Balzani, ‘Alla ricerca della morte utile’, in Oliver Janz and Lutz Klinkhammer (eds.), La morte per la patria: La celebrazione dei caduti dal Risorgimento alla Repubblica (Rome: Donzelli, 2008), 3–21; Maurizio Ridolfi, ‘Martiri per la Patria’, in Cecchinato and Isnenghi, Fare l’Italia, 40–54; Lucy Riall, ‘Martyrs Cult in Nineteenth-Century Italy’, Journal of Modern History 82, no. 2 (2010): 255–87.
- 38.
On these counter-narratives see John Davis, ‘Rethinking the Risorgimento?’, in Norma Bouchard (ed.), Risorgimento in Modern Italian Culture: Rethinking the Nineteenth-Century Past in History, Narrative, and Cinema (Cranbury, NJ: Farleigh Dickinson University Press, 2005), 27–56: 29–30.
- 39.
Ibid, 30.
- 40.
Discorsi Parlamentari di Antonio Salandra, pubblicati per deliberazione della Camera dei Deputati, vol. 3 (Rome: Stab. Tip. Carlo Colombo, 1959), 1444–5.
- 41.
On this see also Mario Isnenghi, Garibaldi fu ferito. Storia e mito di un rivoluzionario disciplinato (Rome: Donzelli, 2007), 157–78.
- 42.
Gabriele D’Annunzio, Orazione per la sagra dei Mille: pronunciata oggi cinque maggio dal sommo poeta a Quarto (1915), 8.
- 43.
Pericles Lewis, Modernism, Nationalism, and the Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 182.
- 44.
Quoted in Alfredo Bonadeo, D’Annunzio and the Great War (Cranbury, NY: Associated University Presses, 1995), 73.
- 45.
Michael Leeden, D’Annunzio: The First Duce, with a new introduction (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 2009), 9.
- 46.
Bondadeo, D’Annunzio, 73.
- 47.
Ibid.
- 48.
Lucy Hughes-Hallet, Gabriele D’Annunzio: Poet, Seducer, and Preacher of War (New York: Alfred Knopf, 2013) 45.
- 49.
Commenting of the speech of Quarto and defining D’Annunzio ‘literary fake made flesh’, while simultaneously capturing the sense of his rhetoric, French intellectual Romain Rolland wrote: ‘He dares act like Jesus! He plays Jesus and remakes the Sermon on the Mount in order to excite Italy to breach its treaties and fight against its former allies … this infamous comedy naturally excites with enthusiasm two thirds of Europe. People do not know what the truth is. One cannot say that they betray it. They live in perpetual error. For them words take the place of true sentiments’; Romaine Rolland, Diario degli anni di guerra. 1914–1919. Note e documenti per lo studio della storia morale dell’Europa odierna (Milan and Florence: Parenti, 1960), 276.
- 50.
Irredentism is the idea that urges a population to act in order to complete the process of unification of the nation, which has not yet been entirely reclaimed from the domination of foreign populations. In the context of Italy, it referred to areas with Italian-speaking communities which, after unification and the Third War of Independence (1866), had not been included in the new State, and were, at the eve of WWI, still part of other countries such as (in the most famous case: Trentino, Venezia-Giulia, Gorizia, Dalmatia) the Austrian empire.
- 51.
Lissa and Custoza were two infamous battles of the Italian Third War of Independence. The Austrian Army seriously defeated the Royal Army and the Royal Navy, despite the Italian numerical advantage.
- 52.
See Benito Mussolini, Opera Omnia, vol 7: Dalla fondazione de ‘Il Popolo d’Italia’ all’intervento (15 nov. 1914–24 maggio 1915), eds. Edoardo and Duilio Susmel (Florence: La Fenice, 1952), 196–7; also quoted in Gentile, La Grande Italia, 127. Speaking at the founding meeting of the Fasci di Combattimento in 1919, Mussolini saw Italy’s entry to war as the beginning of a revolution: ‘we are the only people in Italy to have the talk of revolution … we have already made a revolution. In May 1915. We started off that May, which was exquisitely and divinely revolutionary, because it overturned a shameful situation at home and decided … the outcome of the World War’. Italian intervention in war had represented, Mussolini added, the ‘first phase of a revolution’ that was ‘not finished’ (see the report from Il Popolo d’Italia, March 18, 1919, titled ‘23 March’.
- 53.
In this vein, see, for instance, the speech given by Antonio Salandra, the man who had led Italy into the war, few days after the final victory of Vittorio Veneto: ‘[We are] the spokesmen amid delegates of the martyrs, the poets, the statesman, the soldiers, the princes and the common people, of the great and the humble, of all those who loved this Italy, who willed this Italy, and who celebrated this Italy; of all those who worked for her, of all those who suffered for her, and of all those who died for her. Their spirit resonates in our spirits. It is immortal Italy that has awoken, wreathed in her glories and her sorrows, wishing to re-conquer her throne… To Her, who is immanent, eternal, timeless; to Her, who has been received into the heavens of history amid the purest emanations of our blood of Her best sons, to Her we swear to consecrate all that remains to us of strength and life. Long live Italy! For ever, and above all else, long live Italy!’; Discorsi Parlamentari di Antonio Salandra, 1448–51.
- 54.
The debate over the role of the Great War in promoting the nationalization of the masses is by no means limited to Italy, but of course a full comparison lies beyond the scope of this book. It is notable however that scholarship on war and national identity focuses on memory, commemoration and myth-creation which took place during and after the war, perhaps even more than on the experience of the war itself; see George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the Two World Wars (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990); Jay M. Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning: The Great War in European Cultural History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Jay Winter and Emmanuel Sivan (eds.), War and Remembrance in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Paul Fussell, The Great War and Modern Memory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975). The literature on Italy and WWI is extensive; see, among others, Antonio Gibelli, L’officina della Guerra: La Grande Guerra e le trasformazioni del mondo mentale (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 1991); Antonio Gibelli, La Grande Guerra degli Italiani (Milan: Sansoni, 1998); Giovanna Procacci, Soldati e prigionieri nella Grande Guerra, con una raccolta di lettere inedite (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 1998); Mario Isnenghi, Il mito della Grande Guerra (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2007), on which the following part of this section is manly based.
- 55.
Eugene Weber, Peasants Into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870–1914 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1976).
- 56.
Even in Germany and Britain, war fraternity was much less widespread than has been commonly assumed; on this see Jeffrey Verhey, The Spirit of 1914: Militarism, Myth and Mobilization in Germany. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Adrian Gregory, The Last Great War: British Society and the First World War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).
- 57.
The patriotic–Risorgimental language used in letters by simple soldiers is significant, with many references to ‘rights of our Italy’ and the need to defend, protect, and safeguard the nation. After the battle of Caporetto, this was even more the case. From the very start of the war, there are also many references in men’s letters, as in the propaganda, to the Austrians as the ‘centuries-old enemy’. The 24-year-old Amedeo Rossi, a shoe-maker from Cesena (Romagna region), wrote in July 1915: ‘Every day today we suffer for the Patria. And it is our duty, as our old people did in times past. And today our duty awaits us towards our beautiful Italy, and we shall not let them call us cowards but on the contrary heroes for all time of history’; Verificato per censurato. Lettere e carolini di soldati romagnoliu nella prima guerra mondiale, eds. G. Bellosi e M. Savini (Cesena: Società Editrice Il Ponte Vecchio), 375–7. As Vanda Wilcox has written, this reference to ‘what our old people did in times past’, suggests a clear link to the Risorgimento, as perhaps does the idea of being ‘heroes for all time of history’. By October 1915 Rossi was wishing for peace, but only after he and his fellows managed to ‘cast out the enemy from our unredeemed lands’; Vanda Wilcox, ‘Encountering Italy: Military Service and National Identity during the First World War’, Bulletin of Italian Politics 3, no. 2 (2011): 283–302: 289–90.
- 58.
This process is also illustrated in the letters sent by soldiers from 1918, which compared to those of 1915 show a great awareness of the nation and of Italy; on this point, see Wilcox, ‘Encountering Italy’, 298.
- 59.
As quoted and further discussed in Emilio Gentile, The Struggle for Modernity: Nationalism, Futurism and Fascism (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2003), 51.
- 60.
Emilio Gentile, The Origins of Fascist Ideology, 1918–1925, trans. R. L. Miller (New York: Enigma, 2013), 393.
- 61.
Croce quoted in Ibid., 393; see also Benedetto Croce, Cultura e vita morale: Intermezzi polemici (Bari: Laterza, 1955), 36.
- 62.
Albert Boime, The Art of the Macchia and the Risorgimento: Representing Culture and Nationalism in Nineteenth-Century Italy (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1993), 15.
- 63.
A. William Salomone, ‘The Risorgimento between Ideology and History: The Political Myth of Rivoluzione Mancata’, American Historical Review 68, no. 1 (1962): 38–56: 48.
- 64.
Boime, The Art of the Macchia, 15.
- 65.
Salomone, ‘The Risorgimento’, 48–9.
- 66.
Boime, The Art of the Macchia, 16.
- 67.
Benedetto Croce, History of Europe in the Nineteenth Century, trans. H. Furst (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1933), 225; quoted also in Boime, The Art of Macchia, 16.
- 68.
Davis, ‘Rethinking the Risorgimento?’, 28.
- 69.
Ibid.
- 70.
Garibald’s Defence of the Roman Republic was published in 1907, and the book marked the entry of a new foreign historian in a field, the Risorgimento, much neglected or unworthily treated outside Italy. The other books of the trilogy were Garibaldi and The Thousand (1909) and Garibaldi and The Making of Italy (1911).
- 71.
Davis, ‘Rethinking the Risorgimento?’, 29.
- 72.
Ibid.
- 73.
Norberto Bobbio, Ideological Profile of Twentieth-Century Italy, trans. L. G. Cochrane (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 69–80.
- 74.
Croce as quoted in Ibid., 75.
- 75.
Croce as quoted in Ibid.
- 76.
As Croce would state it, ‘Liberalism had completed its separation from democracy, which in its extreme form of Jacobinism not only had destroyed by its mad and blind pursuit of its abstractions the living and physiological tissues of the social body, but also by confusing the people with one part and one aspect the least civilized of the people, with the inorganic howling and impulsive mob, and by exercising tyranny in the name of the people, had gone to the other extreme and had opened the way for an equal servitude and dictatorship instead of one for equality and liberty’; Croce, History of Europe, 32.
- 77.
Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, Fundamentalism, Sectarianism, and Revolution: The Jacobin Dimensions of Modernity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
- 78.
Croce, History of Europe, 23.
- 79.
Ibid., 37.
- 80.
Nick Carter, Modern Italy in Historical Perspective (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2010), 6.
- 81.
Davis, ‘Rethinking the Risorgimento?’, 30.
- 82.
Guido De Ruggiero, The History of European Liberalism, trans. R. G. Collingwood (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1927), 327.
- 83.
Federico Chabod, ‘Croce storico’, Rivista storica italiana 6, no. 4 (1952): 473–530.
- 84.
The following discussion is mainly based on Carter, Modern Italy, 6–8.
- 85.
Benedetto Croce, A History of Italy, 1871–1915, trans. C. M. Ady (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1929), 5.
- 86.
Ibid., 19–20.
- 87.
Ibid., 51.
- 88.
Ibid., 70.
- 89.
Ibid., 178–9.
- 90.
Ibid., 192.
- 91.
Ibid., 214, 225–31, 261–2.
- 92.
Carter, Modern Italy, 8.
- 93.
Croce, A History of Italy, 252–3.
- 94.
Denis Mack Smith, ‘Benedetto Croce: History and Politics’, Journal of Contemporary History 8, no. 1 (1973): 41–61: 56.
- 95.
See Croce quoted in Renzo De Felice, Interpretations of Fascism, trans. B. Huff (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1977), 14 and 26; Croce quoted in David Ward, Antifascism: Cultural Politics in Italy, 1943–1946 (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1996), 73; Carter, ‘Rethinking’, 227.
- 96.
Following this line of argument, in post-WWII Italy a ‘liberal’ school developed that, together with the opposing antiliberal Marxist school, dominated until the 1980s the historiography on the liberal period. For liberal historians, the high point of Liberalism was, in line with Croce, the ‘Giolittian age’. During this period, Italy experienced ‘a true national resurgence’, according a scholar who subtitled his studied on Giolittian Italy, ‘Italian democracy in the making’; A. William Salomone, Italy in the Giolittian Era: Italian Democracy in the Making, 1900–1914 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1960), 97. One particularly enthusiastic Italian-American liberal historian even considered the Giolittian state ‘the predecessor of the modern welfare state… Giolitti was in some ways the forerunner of Franklin Delano Roosevelt… both men were essentially democratic figures’; Frank J. Coppa, Planning, Protectionism and Politics in Liberal Italy: Economics and Politics in the Giolittian Age (Washington D.C.: Catholic University of America, 1971), 107; see also Carter, ‘Rethinking’, 227.
- 97.
See again Carter, ‘Rethinking’.
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Forlenza, R., Thomassen, B. (2016). Liberal Modernity. In: Italian Modernities. Italian and Italian American Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-49212-8_2
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