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‘God’s Strange Providence’: Jane Lead in the Correspondence of Johann Georg Gichtel

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Jane Lead and her Transnational Legacy

Part of the book series: Christianities in the Trans-Atlantic World, 1500-1800 ((CTAW))

Abstract

This chapter offers a corrective to previous discussions of the way in which Lead’s writings reached German Pietist circles. Most accounts of Lead’s reception on the continent begin with one of her manuscripts falling into the hands of the radical Pietists Johanna Eleonora and Johann Wilhelm Petersen in 1695. Yet Martin demonstrates not only that Johann Georg Gichtel distributed Lead’s texts in manuscript before the Petersens, but also that Gichtel’s correspondence contributed to Lead’s thought and the production of certain texts. She argues that Lead’s influence began much earlier and was more multi-layered than has been assumed, since her thought was transformed by a series of mediators, including Gichtel, the Petersens and others. In addition, Martin explores the nature of international correspondence networks among nonconformists and millenarians, showing how shared tenets were debated and developed in the discursive space of these epistolary networks. Finally, the chapter traces the evolution of the key Philadelphian doctrine of universal salvation to discussions within such networks, disputing the notion of a one-way knowledge transfer from England to Germany.

How else did unholy Pietism arise in our churches, except through the testimonies, raptures, and enthusiasm of the little women […]? How else has it made its progress, except through the enthusiastic maidens […]? And how else is it still now being discussed, but precisely through all sorts of suspicious books by women […]?*

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Feustking, Gynaeceum, pp. 412–17.

  2. 2.

    G. Arnold, Unparteyische Kirchen- und Ketzer-Historie (2 vols., Frankfurt a.M.: Fritsch, 1699–1700).

  3. 3.

    P.P. Finauer, Allgemeines Historisches Verzeichniß gelehrter Frauenzimmer (Munich: Mayr, 1761), vol. 1, pp. 132–33. In seventeenth- and eighteenth-century German, the word ‘Quäker’ stood for fanaticism in general.

  4. 4.

    On Gichtel, see the following which include further sources: L. Martin, ‘Jacob Boehme and the Anthropology of German Pietism’, in Ariel Hessayon and Sarah Apetrei (eds.), An Introduction to Jacob Boehme. Four Centuries of Thought and Reception (New York: Routledge, 2014), pp. 120–41 (at 123–25); J.J. Seidel, ‘Gichtelianer’ in Enyzklopädie der Neuzeit (Stuttgart: Metzler, 2006), vol. 4, pp. 894–96; G. Zaepernick, ‘Johann Georg Gichtels und seiner Nachfolger Briefwechsel mit den hallischen Pietisten, besonders mit A.M. Francke’, Pietismus und Neuzeit, 8 (1982), pp. 74–118.

  5. 5.

    H. Schneider, ‘Der radikale Pietismus im 17. Jahrhundert’, in Martin Brecht et al. (eds.), Geschichte des Pietismus (4 vols., Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993), vol. 1, pp. 391–437 (at 415).

  6. 6.

    Gichtel, J.G. (ed.), Des Gottseeligen Hoch-Erleuchteten Jacob Boehmens Teutonici Philosophi Alle Theosophische Wercke (15 vols., Amsterdam: [n. pub.], 1682–83). Gichtel’s followers put out subsequent expanded editions: Johann Otto Glüsing (ed.), Theosophia Revelata ([Hamburg]: [Holle], 1715); Johann Wilhelm Überfeld (ed.), Theosophia Revelata ([n. pub.], 1730).

  7. 7.

    Donald F. Durnbaugh, ‘Jane Ward Lead (1624–1704) and the Philadelphians’, in Carter Lindberg (ed.), The Pietist Theologians (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2005), pp. 128–47, esp. 139–40.

  8. 8.

    In his study of the radical Pietist book market, Schrader shows that Philadelphian books were some of the most popular of the era. H.-J. Schrader, Literaturproduktion und Büchermarkt des radikalen Pietismus: Johann Henrich Reitz’, Historie der Wiedergebohrnen’ und ihr geschichtlicher Kontext (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1989).

  9. 9.

    Boehme’s friend and biographer, Abraham von Franckenberg (1593–1652), included the ideal of ‘Philadelphia’ in his own writings. Paul Felgenhauer (1593-c.1677) also tried to gather a Philadelphian community near Bremen. Cf. H.-J. Schrader, Literaturproduktion., pp. 375–76.

  10. 10.

    Schneider, ‘Der radikale Pietismus im 17. Jahrhundert’; Schneider, ‘Der radikale Pietismus im 18. Jahrhundert’, in Brecht, vol. 2, pp. 107–97 (at 112–15).

  11. 11.

    Merlau was a well-known activist before her marriage and afterwards continued using her noble maiden name in her publications. This has led some researchers to call her ‘Merlau’, and others ‘Petersen’. Here I refer to her as ‘Merlau’ before her marriage and ‘Merlau Petersen’ after she married.

  12. 12.

    See the articles by Schneider, cited above, and Thune, Behmenists, pp. 113–14; D.F. Durnbaugh, ‘Jane Ward Lead’; D.F. Durnbaugh, ‘Philadelphia-Bewegung’, in Erwin Fahlbusch (ed.), Evangelisches Kirchenlexikon (3rd edn., Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992), vol. 3.

  13. 13.

    Jane Lead, The Wonders of God’s Creation Manifested, In the Variety of EIGHT WORLDS (London: Sowle, 1695).

  14. 14.

    J.E. Petersen, Leben Fr. Joh. Eleonora Petersen, […] Von Ihr selbst mit eigener Hand aufgesetzet (n.p.: n. pub., 1718), pp. 56ff.

  15. 15.

    J.W. Petersen, Das Leben Jo. WILHELMI PETERSEN (Halle: Renger, 1717), p. 297. Petersen writes, ‘[…] Lord Knyphausen sent us something from Mrs. Jane Leade in England that was still in hand-written form, which dealt with the Return of all Creatures […]’. On Knyphausen’s involvement, see Durnbaugh, ‘Philadelphia-Bewegung’. The Petersens were also connected to Lead through other channels, although they do not reveal this in their autobiographies. In 1695 Francis Lee penned a preface for the English translation of J.W. Petersen’s Send-Schreiben an einige Theologos […] (n. pl.: n. pub, 1691): J[ohann] W[ilhelm] P[etersen], A Letter to some Divines […]. London: John Whitlock, 1695. These connections are explored by Ariel Hessayon earlier in this volume.

  16. 16.

    J.E. Petersen, Leben, pp. 41–42.

  17. 17.

    Lead, EIGHT WORLDS, unpaginated preface; cf. Thune, Behmenists, pp. 113–14. English Behmenist thought however was present before Lead, for example through Thomas Bromley’s Der Weg zum Sabbath der Ruhe (Amsterdam, 1685).

  18. 18.

    H.-G. Kemper, Deutsche Lyrik der frühen Neuzeit (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1988), vol. 3, pp. 279–311 (at 282–87).

  19. 19.

    I cite primarily from the 1722 edition, which contains the most letters (883): J.G. Gichtel, Theosophia practica Halten und Kämpfen (7 vols., [Leiden]: [n. pub.], 1722). The letters are not chronological and it is unclear what principle underlies the ordering. Volume VII is a biography of Gichtel penned by one of his followers. The biography quotes from additional letters and also includes an appendix of letters from Gichtel to Johann Wilhelm Überfeld (‘Zugabe zum Lebens=Lauf’, 367–468). I also cite the 1710 edition, which includes some information deleted from later editions: Gichtel, Erbauliche Theosophische Send-Schreiben (Bethulia [invented]: n.pub., 1710). In citing Gichtel’s works, I abbreviate the Theosophische Send-Schreiben of 1710 as ‘TS’ and the Theosophia Practica of 1722 as ‘TP’, along with the volume number. Editions of the correspondence were published in 1700, 1701, 1708, and 1710, as well as an edition with no date; some editions carried the title Erbauliche Theosophia practica.

  20. 20.

    Some original letters from Gichtel survive in archives and are cited where relevant.

  21. 21.

    Merlau lodged with Maria Juliana Baur von Eyseneck. Merlau and Eyseneck hosted the meetings in the latter’s home. R. Albrecht, Johanna Eleonora Petersen: Theologische Schriftstellerin des frühen Pietismus (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2005), pp. 65–78; A. Deppermann, Johann Jakob Schütz und die Anfänge des Pietismus (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2002), pp. 81–125.

  22. 22.

    Deppermann, Schütz, pp. 78–79, 243, 139, 313, 330. In most documents the investment company is called the ‘Pennsylvania Company’, but since Francis Daniel Pastorius, who managed the enterprise, referred to it as the ‘Frankfurt Company’, researchers have adopted this usage. Gichtel himself rejected the plan to go to Pennsylvania, writing, ‘I fear that Babylon is there where I am’ (in a 1709 letter to Überfeld, TP VII: 454).

  23. 23.

    R. Albrecht, ‘Zum Briefwechsel Johann Georg Gichtels mit Johanna Eleonora Petersen’, in W. Breul, M. Meier, L. Vogel (eds), Der radikale Pietismus: Perspektiven der Forschung (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010), pp. 327–60.

  24. 24.

    TS II: 184–86; TS III: 32–35; TS III: 35–36; TP I: 87–94; TP II: 1310–11.

  25. 25.

    TP I: 92–94; TP III: 1950–51. L. Martin, ‘Female Reformers as the Gate Keepers of Pietism: The Example of Johanna Eleonora Merlau and William Penn’, Monatshefte 95:1 (2003), pp. 33–58; Albrecht, ‘Briefwechsel’, pp. 335–36.

  26. 26.

    TS III, 54–65, at 64 (dated 17 January 1693); Albrecht, ‘Briefwechsel’, p. 338.

  27. 27.

    TP III, 1899–1902; TS III, 37–40 (addressed to both Petersens, 11 January 1691). There are indications, discussed below, that the correspondence may have continued beyond 1680.

  28. 28.

    TS IV: 586–94; TS III: 66–67; 82–86.

  29. 29.

    TS III: 65.

  30. 30.

    TP III, 1901–02; TP III, to J.E. Merlau Petersen, 27 January 1693: 1917–29, esp. 1918–19.

  31. 31.

    TS III: 54–109; TP III: 1917–29.

  32. 32.

    27 January 1693: TP III: 1917–29, esp. 1924; TS III: 54–65, esp. 61.

  33. 33.

    To both Petersens, 19 February 1693: TP III: 1931–38, at 1934; TS III: 67–74, at 70. On Boehme: TS III: 76–78; 88.

  34. 34.

    TP III: 1917–29, at 1924 (27 January 1693).

  35. 35.

    TP VII: 109–12.

  36. 36.

    On these friends, see for example, TS III: 126–28; TP III, 1991–93. There were nine letters to Merlau Petersen and one to her husband in 1694: TS III: 109–33; TP III: 1974–98.

  37. 37.

    TS III: 100–01, 129; TP III: 1993–97, at 1994–95.

  38. 38.

    TS III: 128–32, esp. 130.

  39. 39.

    Thune was aware of some of Gichtel’s comments about Lead in his letters, but did not know to whom they were addressed, since most of the recipients’ names are encoded; see Thune, Behmenists, pp. 111–12.

  40. 40.

    TS III: 132–33 (24 September 1694); TP III: 1997–98.

  41. 41.

    J.W. Petersen. Leben, p. 299.

  42. 42.

    TS II: 111–20.

  43. 43.

    Jane Lead, Offenbahrung der Offenbahrungen (Amsterdam: Wettstein, 1695), a translation of Jane Lead, The Revelation of Revelations (London: Sowle, 1683).

  44. 44.

    TS II: 126–33, esp. 132–33. Compare Albrecht, ‘Briefwechsel’, pp. 352–53.

  45. 45.

    TS II: 126–33, at 132–33.

  46. 46.

    TS II: 136–43, at 142.

  47. 47.

    TP I: 121–28; 213–34.

  48. 48.

    TP I: 124–28 at 125–26 (20 September 1683).

  49. 49.

    TP I: 213–21, at 217 (dated simply 1695).

  50. 50.

    TP I: 221–30 (3 October 1696).

  51. 51.

    TP I: 221–30 (3 October 1696); cf. TP VII: 328.

  52. 52.

    He later repeats and refines these arguments, for example, in a letter from 1697: TP V: 3131.

  53. 53.

    TP I: 224–25.

  54. 54.

    Throughout the letters, Gichtel complains in particular about Alhart de Raedt, who helped to edit Boehme’s writings but then fell out with Gichtel.

  55. 55.

    TP I: 225.

  56. 56.

    TP I: 226.

  57. 57.

    TP I: 227–30.

  58. 58.

    TP I: 230–31.

  59. 59.

    TP I: 231. Without further evidence it is impossible to identify ‘K.’ conclusively. The different editors of Gichtel’s correspondence masked people’s identities in different ways. Some used initials, while others simply used ‘N.’ for all, so that the letters have to be carefully studied and cross-referenced for identification.

  60. 60.

    Jane Lead, EIN GARTEN-BRUNN […] oder Ein rechtes DIARIUM (Amsterdam: n. pub., 1697).

  61. 61.

    TP I: 231–32. Gichtel’s evident fear and loathing of women have led some researchers to conjecture that he may have been homosexual. Martin, ‘Anthropology’, 124–25. On his attitudes toward sexuality, cf. Aira Võsa, ‘Johann Georg Gichtels Verhältnis zum anderen Geschlecht in Leben und Lehre’, in Breul et al. (eds), Der radikale Pietismus, pp. 361–68.

  62. 62.

    TP I: 233; Lead, Offenbahrung der Offenbahrungen; Jane Lead, Die nun brechende und sich zertheilende himmlische Wolcke (Amsterdam: H. Wetstein, 1694); a translation of Jane Lead, Heavenly Cloud Now Breaking (London: n. pub., 1681).

  63. 63.

    See for example a letter to J.E. Merlau Petersen, dated 27 January 1693 (TP III: 1917–29).

  64. 64.

    TP V: 3719–25 (3 August 1706).

  65. 65.

    TP V: 3687–99, at 3693 (Gichtel to Johann Friederich Schultz, 10 October 1705).

  66. 66.

    TP III: 2000 (Gichtel to Theodor Schermer, May 1699).

  67. 67.

    TP I: 325 (11 September 1697).

  68. 68.

    Jane Lead, Eine Offenbarung der Bottschafft des EWIGEN EVANGELII (Amsterdam: n. pub., 1697); a translation of Jane Lead, A Revelation of the Everlasting Gospel Message (London: n. pub., 1697). Gichtel repeated this assertion often: TP V: 3699–3712 (29 December 1705); TP V: 3731–34 (4 February 1707); TP V: 3784–92, esp. 3787–88 (6 January 1708).

  69. 69.

    TP VI: 1463 (Gichtel to George Vechtmann, 25 February 1702); TP VI: 1667 (25 February 1707); TP III: 2444–48 (Gichtel to Friedrich Andreae, 3 January 1708); TP VII: 328; TP V: 3739–42 at 3741 (1 April 1707); TP V: 3644–53, esp. 3650 (17 July 1708).

  70. 70.

    TP III: 2430 (Gichtel to Friedrich Andreae, 3 November 1705); TP III: 2437 (Gichtel to Friedrich Andreae, 8 February 1707); compare also: TP V: 3835–38, at 3836 (14 May 1709).

  71. 71.

    For example: TP V: 3792–3800 (31 January 1708).

  72. 72.

    The books were Heavenly Cloud and The Revelation of Revelations. TP V: 3540–41 (24 December 1706).

  73. 73.

    TP V: 3536–44, at 3541 (24 December 1706).

  74. 74.

    Lead, The Revelation of Revelations. This account according to Gichtel’s biography (TP VII: 326–27).

  75. 75.

    TP VII: 328.

  76. 76.

    J.W. Petersen, Leben, pp. 219; 235–36.

  77. 77.

    TP V: 3536–44, at 3541 (24 December 1706); TP V: 3650 (17 July 1708); TP VIII: 329.

  78. 78.

    TP V: 3699–3712 (29 December 1705).

  79. 79.

    TP V, 3699–3712, at 3706–07 (29 December 1705).

  80. 80.

    TP V: 3739–42, at 3741–2 (1 April 1707). Elsewhere Gichtel refers to 400 guilders (Gulden): TP VII: 328.

  81. 81.

    TP V: 3784–92, esp. 3787 (6 January 1708). As the imprint is Amsterdam, the connection to Utrecht is unclear.

  82. 82.

    TP I: 412ff (6 December 1701).

  83. 83.

    TP VII: 329.

  84. 84.

    TP V: 3853–55.

  85. 85.

    TP VII, ‘Zugabe zum Lebenslauf’, 465–66.

  86. 86.

    There are hints of unpublished letters. Gichtel’s biography refers to interactions not mentioned in the published letters. For instance, Gichtel mentions that Merlau wrote a letter of recommendation for his former housekeeper to get a position in Frankfurt (TP VIII: 134). Cf: Albrecht, ‘Briefwechsel’, pp. 336–37.

  87. 87.

    J.W. Petersen, Leben, p. 338.

  88. 88.

    TP III, 1897–98 (Gichtel to Christoph Krausemarck, 8 February 1696); J.W. Petersen, Leben, pp. 336–37.

  89. 89.

    J.W. Petersen, Leben, pp. 336–37.

  90. 90.

    [J.E. Merlau Petersen], Das Ewige Evangelium der Allgemeinen Wiederbringung (n.pl.: n.pub., 1698); Lead, Bottschafft des EWIGEN EVANGELII (translation of Everlasting Gospel).

  91. 91.

    Historians over the years variously attributed it to one or the other of the Petersens, but Ruth Albrecht has proven conclusively that Merlau Petersen was the author; see, Albrecht, Petersen, pp. 274–95 (esp. 279–80).

  92. 92.

    Albrecht, Petersen, pp. 293–94.

  93. 93.

    In 1701 Merlau Petersen wrote yet another anonymous text defending the first one: [J.E. Merlau Petersen], Bewährung des Ewigen Evangelii (n. pl.: n. pub., 1701). The Petersens would expand on the concept in numerous other tracts.

  94. 94.

    That is, a ‘Mit-Gliede D.Ph.G.’ The defence text of 1701, Bewährung des Ewigen Evangelii, includes a similar cryptogram (‘E.M.G.D.P.G.’ = ein Mitglied der Philadelphischen Gemeinde).

  95. 95.

    FbG, Chart A 297, p. 86f.

  96. 96.

    See esp. TP III, 1997–98.

  97. 97.

    TP V: 3224–38, at 3233–34 (likely to Andreas Morell, dated anno 1697).

  98. 98.

    See for example: TP VII: 148.

  99. 99.

    Merlau’s family entered the lower aristocracy when an ancestor was knighted, while Lead belonged to the gentry. The German word ‘adlig’ refers both to the gentry and the aristocracy, which may explain why Germans, including Gichtel, seem to have had an inflated understanding of Lead’s social rank.

  100. 100.

    Archive of the Franckesche Stiftungen in Halle: D 60, 101ff., esp. 107r-08v. Martin, ‘Anthropology’, p. 124.

  101. 101.

    Unschuldige Nachrichten von Alten und Neuen Theologischen Sachen (Leipzig, 1710), pp. 569–74, 641–50.

  102. 102.

    Unschuldige Nachrichten, p. 574.

  103. 103.

    For example, see TP III, 1912–17.

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Martin, L. (2016). ‘God’s Strange Providence’: Jane Lead in the Correspondence of Johann Georg Gichtel. In: Hessayon, A. (eds) Jane Lead and her Transnational Legacy. Christianities in the Trans-Atlantic World, 1500-1800. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-39614-3_9

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