Dissimulation and Deceit in Early Modern Europe pp 142-164 | Cite as
Genuine and Fraudulent Stigmatics in the Sixteenth Century
Chapter
Abstract
From the thirteenth century onwards, an individual’s reception of the stigmata came to be regarded as an unassailable indication of her or his holiness.1 However, as the desire for physical signs that attested to a person’s saintliness increased, so did the fear that such proofs were not authentic.2 In the early modern era, aspiring mystics were increasingly suspected of having fabricated their stigmata, and the very signs that were supposed to authenticate holiness were often regarded as proofs of deliberate simulation.3
Keywords
Europe Assure Alla Defend Stake
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
- 2.A. Vauchez (1991), ‘La nascita del sospetto’, in: G. Zarri (ed.), Finzione e santità tra medioevo ed età moderna (Turin: Rosenberg & Sellier): 39–51.Google Scholar
- 3.See G. Zarri (1991), ‘“Vera” santità, “simulata” santità: Ipotesi e riscontri’, in: G. Zarri (ed.), Finzione e santità: 9–36.Google Scholar
- This formed part of the broader fear of religious dissimulation in early modern Europe, on which see M. Eliav-Feldon (2012), Renaissance Impostors and Proofs of Identity (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan): 150–151.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- 5.See A. Jacobson Schutte (2001), Aspiring Saints: Pretense of Holiness, Inquisition, and Gender in the Republic of Venice, 1618–1750 (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press): esp. 60–94.Google Scholar
- 10.Raymond of Capua (1489), Vita de la virgine admirabile Sancta Catherina da Siena del ordine de la penitentia de Sancto Dominico primo patre e patriarcha di frati predicatori (Milan: Johannes Antonius de Honate): fol. k 4r.Google Scholar
- 11.E.A. Moerer (2005), ‘The Visual Hagiography of a Stigmatic Saint: Drawings of Catherine of Siena in the Libellus de Supplemento’, Gesta, 44, no. 2, 96–99.Google Scholar
- 13.C. Warr (2011), ‘Visualising Stigmata: Stigmatic Saints and Crises of Representation in Late Medieval and Early Modern Italy’, Studies in Church History, 47, 228–247.Google Scholar
- 17.G. Klaniczay (2002), ‘Le stigmate di santa Margherita d’Ungheria: Immagini e testi’, Iconographica 1, 16–31.Google Scholar
- 30.On the significance of a wound’s appearance and smell in determining the authenticity of a stigmata mark see C. Warr (2014), ‘Changing Stigmata’, in: A. Kirkham and C. Warr (eds), Wounds in the Middle Ages (Farnham and Burlington: Ashgate): 43–62: 55–58.Google Scholar
- 32.E.A. Matter (1995), ‘Prophetic Patronage as Repression: Lucia Brocadelli da Narni and Ercole d’Este’, in: S.L. Waugh and P.D. Diehl (eds), Christendom and Its Discontents: Exclusion, Persecution and Rebellion, 1000–1500 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press): 168–176.Google Scholar
- 33.T. Herzig (2008), Savonarola’s Women: Visions and Reform in Renaissance Italy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press): 84.Google Scholar
- 37.Institoris (ed.) (1501), Stigmifere virginis Lucie de Narnia… (unpaginated).Google Scholar
- 41.D. Ponsi (1711), Vita della beata Lucia vergine di Narni (Rome: Per Francesco Gonzaga): 154–155.Google Scholar
- 43.G. Zarri (2001), ‘Lucia da Narni e il movimento femminile savonaroliano’, in: G. Fragnito and M. Miegge (eds), Girolamo Savonarola da Ferrara all’Europa (Florence: SISMEL): 99–116: 108–112; Matter and Zarri, Una mistica contes-tata, xxi–xxii.Google Scholar
- 48.M.E. Giles (1990), The Book of Prayer of Sor María of Santo Domingo: A Study and Translation (Albany, NY: SUNY Press): 57–58.Google Scholar
- 49.V. Beltrán de Heredia (1939), Historia de la Reforma de la Provincia de España, 1450–1550 (Rome: Istituto Storico Domenicano): 130–131.Google Scholar
- 55.Samuele Cassini (1509), De stigmatibus sacris Divi Francisci et quomodo impossibile est aliquam mulierem, licet sanctissimam, recipere stigmata (Pavia: Per Magister Bernardinus Baraldis). On this tract see Zarri, ‘Lucia da Narni e il movimento femminile’, 108–111.Google Scholar
- 57.B. Gordon (2002), The Swiss Reformation (Manchester: Manchester University Press): 32–33.Google Scholar
- 58.Thomas Murner (1509), De quattuor heresiarchis Ordinis Predicatorum de observantia nuncupatorum apud Switenses in civitate Bernensi combustis (Strasbourg: Matthias Hupfuff), unpaginated.Google Scholar
- 61.R. De Maio (1992), Riforme e miti nella Chiesa del Cinquecento, 2nd ed. (Naples: Guida Editori): 71.Google Scholar
- 62.S. Clark (2007), Vanities of the Eye: Vision in Early Modern European Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press): 177.Google Scholar
Copyright information
© Tamar Herzig 2015