Abstract
Throughout the Cold War, a number of opportunities to move toward mutual US-Soviet compromise had opened briefly, but then closed shut without any significant breakthrough. But even the diplomatic breakthrough finally reached by the United States and Europe with Mikhail Gorbachev toward the end of the Cold War has been regarded as one-sided by post-Cold War Russian leaderships. The fact that no new system of Euro-Atlantic security (as proposed by then president Dmitri Medvedev in June 2008) had been formally established in the post-Cold War has helped to provoke a Russian backlash that became evident after the United States decided to enlarge NATO in 1997–99 followed by the 1999 war “over” Kosovo. This chapter will argue that the deeper roots of the US-Russian antagonism began in Asia in the late nineteenth century given European and Japanese rivalry over a weak and divided China, and that the United States was drawn into World War I at least in part due to the collapse of the Tsarist regime. Despite US intervention in the Russian revolution, the United States and Soviet Union were nevertheless able to forge an alliance of wartime necessity with the rise of a militaristic Japan and Nazi Germany. Whether the rise of China will help nudge the United States, Europe, and Russia into a new entente or alliance relationship, or result in more intensive rivalries, depends to a large extent on the nature of defense and foreign policy decisions to be made by Washington in the next few years.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
Woodrow Wilson, War Messages, 65th Cong., 1st Sess. Senate Doc. No. 5, Serial No. 7264, Washington, DC, 1917; pp. 3–8, passim, http://wwi.lib.byu.edu/index.php/Wilson%27s_War_Message_to_Congress.
George Kennan, Russia Leaves the War (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1956).
See critique of Kennan, David S. Foglesong, America’s Secret War against Bolshevism: U.S. Intervention in the Russian Civil War, 1917–1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995). See also, Gibson Bell Smith, “Guarding the Railroad, Taming the Cossacks The U.S. Army in Russia, 1918 – 1920” Prologue Magazine 34, no. 4 (Winter 2002), http://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2002/winter/us-army-in-russia-1.
See Hall Gardner, “NATO and the UN: The Contemporary Relevance of the North Atlantic Treaty,” in NATO: The First Fifty Years, ed. Gustav Schmidt (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001).
See discussion of ECSC, for example, in Peter Calvocoressi, World Politics 1945–2000 (Harlow, England: Pearson, 2001);
John Gillingham, Coal, Steel and the Rebirth of Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991);
Alan S. Milward, The Reconstruction of Western Europe (Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984).
See Hall Gardner, Averting Global War: Regional Challenges, Overextension, and Options for American Strategy (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), chap. 7.
See James W. Douglas, JFK and the Unspeakable (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2008).
John Prado “JFK Tape Details High-Level Vietnam Coup Plotting in 1963” (November 5, 2003), http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB101/index.htm. In addition, Diem may have been assassinated because he might have been looking for a separate peace accord with Ho Chi Minh.
See Hall Gardner, Surviving the Millennium: American Global Strategy, the Collapse of the Soviet Empire and the Question of Peace (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1994).
In 1983 the United States and Soviet Union appeared on the edge of a nuclear war over Star Wars, the Soviet shooting down of Korean Airliner 007, and NATO Operation Able Archer. See Benjamin B. Fischer, A Cold War Conundrum: The 1983 Soviet War Scare (Washington, DC: CIA, Center for the Study of Intelligence, 1997), https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/books-and-monographs/a-cold-war-conundrum/source.htm.
See Andrei Grachev, Gorbachev’s Gamble (Cambridge: Polity 2008).
Stanley Kober, “Russia’s Search for Identity,” in NATO Enlargement: Illusions and Reality, ed. Ted Galen Carpenter and Barbara Conry (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 1998).
See comments in WAIS debate, Cameron Sawyer and Robert Gard, “Russia and NATO” (June 28, 2012), http://waisworld.org/go.jsp?id=02a&l=en&objectType=post&o=70532&objectTypeId=63702&topicId=51.
http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/official_texts_25468.htm. Russian general Alexander Lebed had argued for a formal US-NATO treaty in 1996 that would go beyond the NATO-Russia Founding Act. See Hall Gardner, Dangerous Crossroads: Europe, Russia, and the Future of NATO (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997), chap. 1.
The Carter administration (Zbigniew Brzezinski) has been alleged to have given Saddam Hussein a green light to attack the Islamic Republic according to former Iranian president Abolhassan Bani Sadr. See Barry Lando, Web of Deceit: The History of Western Complicity in Iraq, from Churchill to Kennedy to George W. Bush (New York: Other Press; Toronto: Doubleday, 2007).
See Svetlana Savranskaya and Thomas Blanton, “The Reykjavik File,” National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 203 (October 13, 2006), http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB203/index.htm.
General Jack Galvin, “Closing Plenary Session,” cochairs Walther Leisler Klep and Robert Blackwill, America Council on Germany, Atlantik-Brücke Conference (Berlin: June 17, 1995). See also, Gardner, Dangerous Crossroads.
Peter Trenin-Straussov, The NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council in 1997–1999: Anatomy of a Failure (Berlin: Berlin Information-center for Transatlantic Security, BITS Research Note 99.1 ISSN 1434–3258, July 1999), http://www.bits.de/public/researchnote/rn99–1.htm.
Hans Morgenthau, Politics among Nations (New York: McGraw Hill, 1993), 385.
Dmitri Trenin, Post-Imperium (Washington, DC: Carnegie, 2011), 51.
For its part, nuclear Pakistan, India’s rival, had become a major non-NATO ally a year earlier in 2004. Despite sanctions, the United States tended to ignore Pakistan’s nuclear program once the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. See Hall Gardner, American Global Strategy and the War on Terrorism (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2007).
NATO did not, however, back Kiev’s demand for a Membership Action Plan (MAP) at the 2002 Prague summit, ostensibly due to its lack of democratic standards and a scandal over alleged Kolchuga radar system sales to Iraq. James Greene, Russian Responses to NATO and EU Enlargement and Outreach (London: Chatham House Briefing Paper, Russia and Eurasia Programme, June 2012), http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/public/Research/Russia%20and%20Eurasia/0612bp_greene.pdf.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Copyright information
© 2013 Hall Gardner
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Gardner, H. (2013). The Failure to Reach US-Soviet, US-Russian Accords. In: NATO Expansion and US Strategy in Asia. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137367372_3
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137367372_3
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, New York
Print ISBN: 978-1-349-47447-9
Online ISBN: 978-1-137-36737-2
eBook Packages: Palgrave Political & Intern. Studies CollectionPolitical Science and International Studies (R0)