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China’s (North) Korea Policy: Misperception and Reality (An Independent Chinese Perspective on Sino-Korean Relations)

  • Chen Ping
Chapter
Part of the Asan-Palgrave Macmillan Series book series (APMS)

Abstract

Since the first North Korean nuclear crisis in the early 1990s, China has made strenuous efforts to facilitate dialogue and discussion aimed at defusing the crisis. It has dedicated itself to finding ways to negotiate a conclusive and multilateral solution to the most pressing security dilemma in Northeast Asia. China’s hosting of the Six-Party Talks (6PT) is the best demonstration of such efforts.

Keywords

Korean Peninsula Diplomatic Relation North Korean Regime North Korean Nuclear Issue North Korean Leader 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

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Notes

  1. 5.
    For historical details of Sino-Korean relations from a Chinese perspective, see Jiang Feifei et al., 中 禅关系史: 古代) (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 1998);Google Scholar
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    This was only the third time in history that China sent troops to support a regime on the Korean Peninsula. During the Ming Dynasty, China sent its troops (in 1592 and 1597) to the peninsula, upon request from the Korean ruler, to help fight the invading Japanese forces. For this part of history, see Yang Zhaoquan et al., 中国-朝鲜国关系史 (Tianjin: Tianjin renmin chubanshe, 2001): 480–99;Google Scholar
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    For example, in 1392, when General Yi Seong-gye established the Joseon Dynasty on the Korean Peninsula, becoming the Taejo of the new regime, he asked his court officials to present a memorial to the founder of the Ming Dynasty, Emperor Hongwu, himself a former soldier and rebel, to ask for his endorsement and to officially confer the title of king on Yi himself. See Yang Zhaoquan et al., 中厘朝鲜/韩国关系史 (The History of Relations between China and Two Koreas) (Tianjin: Tianjin renmin chubanshe, 2001), 462–463.Google Scholar
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    China adopted a low-profile foreign policy in early 1990s after the collapse of the Eastern European communist bloc, the key items of which include the following: (1) “Do not carry the flag of socialism”, namely China should not seek to replace the role of the former Soviet Union, which was the leader of the socialist camp. (2) “Do not become the leader,” namely China should not become the leader of the Third World countries. See Quansheng Zhao, Interpreting Chinese Foreign Policy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), for detailed accounts.Google Scholar
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    Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives (New York: Basic Books, 1998). The quoted paragraphs are seen on page 85 of the PDF version of the book.Google Scholar
  27. 46.
    I came across the phrase in Morton I. Abramowitz’s book, China: Can We Have a Policy? (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment For International Peace Press, 1997).Google Scholar
  28. 49.
    For a discussion of the relations between great powers and the Korean Peninsula countries, see Samuel S. Kim, The Two Koreas and the Great Powers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006),CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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    Douglas H. Paal, “China and the East Asian Security Environment: Complementarity and Competition,” in Ezra F. Vogel, (ed.), Living with China: US/China Relations in the Twenty-First Century (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1997), 97.Google Scholar
  31. 53.
    Chinese scholars have had extensive discussions on this issue. See Liu Ming, “Zhongguo dui Dongya anquan wenti de jiben kaolu yu mubiao,” Guoji Wenti Yanjiu 4 (1998): 12–18;Google Scholar
  32. Li Daguang and Li Li, “Dongbeiya anquan xingshi tedian ji zouxiang” Xiandai Guoji Guanxi 6 (1998): 19–22;Google Scholar
  33. and Han Zhenshe and Xu Kui, “Guanyu Dongbeiya weilai anquan wenti de jidian kanfa,” Dangdai Yatai 5 (1995): 49–54.Google Scholar

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© The Asan Institute for Policy Studies 2012

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  • Chen Ping

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