Abstract
The South as a place of illiteracy, superstition, and magic; of corruption, brigandage, and cannibalism; of pastoral beauty and tranquility admixed with dirt and disease; a cradle of Italian and European civilization that is vaguely, dangerously, alluringly African or Oriental. The South as the theater of sweet idleness (dolce far niente) and of the “crime of honour”; of tragic courage and farcical cowardice; of abjection and arrogance; of indolence and frenzy. Southerners as a friendly people in whom lie dormant the seeds of mafiosità and atavistic violence; a “woman people” who practice an “Arabic” oppression of women1; a pathologically individualistic people who are nonetheless indistinguishable in their teeming masses or bound to the tribal logic of familism; a people both ungovernable and slavish. The South as a society verging on anomie that is resilient in its feudalism or clientelism; a society shot through with residues of a precapitalist past that is also the site of hopes for a national resurrection. “Here it is as if we were outside Italy”2; Italy’s greatest problem; its anomalous lower third: a metaphor for the state of the country as a whole; the embodiment in extreme form of the whole nation’s characteristic problems; the index of Italy’s modernity and claims to nationhood.
Keywords
Citrus Fruit Italian State Racial Theory Nation Building Ethnic PrejudicePreview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
- 1.A. Niceforo, L’Italia barbara contemporanea (Studi ed appunti) (Sandron, Milan-Palermo, 1898), p. 247.Google Scholar
- 2.The sentence is quoted in G. Bocca, L’inferno. Profondo sud, male oscuro (Milan, Mondadori, 1992), p. 28.Google Scholar
- 3.The texts I have chiefly in mind in writing this introduction are: M. L. Salvadori, “L’interpretazione razzistica della inferiorità meridionale,” in Il mito del buongoverno. La questione meridionale da Cavour a Gramsci (Turin, Einaudi, 1963), pp. 184–205;Google Scholar
- M. W. Battacchi, Meridionali e settentrionali nella struttura del pregiudizio etnico in Italia, second edition (Bologna, Il Mulino, 1972);Google Scholar
- A. Gramsci, Il Risorgimento (Rome, Riuniti, 1975);Google Scholar
- G. Galasso, “Lo stereotipo del napoletano e le sue variazioni regionali,” in L’altra Europa. Per un’antropologia storica del Mezzogiorno d’Italia (Milan, Mondadori, 1982), pp. 143–190;Google Scholar
- V. Teti, La razza maledetta. Origini del pregiudizio antimeridionale (Rome, Manifestolibri, 1993). More detailed references to these works are made at appropriate points below.Google Scholar
- 4.Perhaps because of this, the concept of regionalism has a muddled history in the peninsula. For some interesting reflections on the idea of the region in Italian history, see: L. Gambi, “Le ‘regioni’ italiane come problema storico,” Quaderni Storici, 34, 1977, 275–298; “Il concetto storico spaziale di regione: una identificazione controversa,” debate between various authors including Immanuel Wallerstein, Passato e Presente, 9, 1985, 13–37.Google Scholar
- On regionalism after unification see D. Mack Smith, “Regionalism,” in E. R. Tannenbaum and E. P. Noether (eds.), Modern Italy. A Topical History Since 1861 (New York, New York University Press, 1974), pp. 125–146.Google Scholar
- The essay is, however, clouded by an implied definition of regionalism that fluctuates between “regional sentiment” and decentralizing and federalist political programs based on the recognition of regional diversity. For various authoritative contributions on regionalism see C. Levy (ed.), Italian Regionalism. History, Identity and Politics (Oxford, Berg, 1996). For some stimulating observations on regionalism in literature in the Liberal period,Google Scholar
- see A. Asor Rosa, Scrittori e popolo. Il populismo nella letteratura italiana contemporanea, second edition (Turin, Einaudi, 1988), pp. 56–57.Google Scholar
- 6.The fact of Niceforo’s being from the South is very rarely highlighted: Daniel Pick, in his otherwise cogent study, would even seem to imply that Niceforo was a Northern Italian. See D. Pick, Faces of Degeneration: A European Disorder, c. 1848–c. 1918 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 114. Giuseppe Sergi, from whom Niceforo borrowed theories of southern inferiority based on craniometric data, was himself from Messina.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- 7.F. Fonzi, Crispi e lo “stato di Milano” (Milan, Giuffré, 1965), p. xix.Google Scholar
- 9.See, for example, the recent account in G. Gribaudi, “Images of the South: the Mezzogiorno as seen by insiders and outsiders,” in R. Lumley and J. Morris (eds.), The New History of the Italian South. The Mezzogiorno Revisited (Exeter, Exeter University Press, 1997), pp. 83–113, especially pp. 95–98.Google Scholar
- 10.The debate on the racial interpretation of the southern question is contained in A. Renda (ed.), La questione meridionale (Milan-Palermo, Sandron, 1900).Google Scholar
- 13.See Salvadori, Il mito del buongoverno, and Teti, La razza maledetta. On the ethical and political dangers of the rhetoric of the “last word” in racism, see J. Derrida, “Racism’s Last Word,” in H. L. Gates Jr. (ed.), “Race,” Writing, and Difference (Chicago, Chicago University Press, 1986), pp. 329–338.Google Scholar
- 14.See A. Montagu, Man’s Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race (Cleveland, Meridian, 1964), p. 76: “the so-called ‘races’ are populations that merely represent different kinds of temporary mixtures of genetic materials common to all mankind.”Google Scholar
- 15.H. L. Gates Jr., “Introduction: Writing ‘Race’ and the Difference It Makes,” in H. L. Gates Jr. (ed.), “Race,” Writing, and Difference (Chicago, Chicago University Press, 1986), pp. 1–20 (p. 5).Google Scholar
- 16.R. Miles, Racism London, Routledge, 1989, p. 48. The book also contains a useful discussion of problems in definitions of racism (pp. 41–68).Google Scholar
- 18.On stereotypes, see also S. L. Gilman, Difference and Pathology. Stereotypes of Sexuality, Race, and Madness (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1985), although Gilman’s account is weakened by being inserted into a developmental account of the individual psyche.Google Scholar
- Richard Jenkins, Social Identity (London, Routledge, 1996) usefully situates the study of stereotypes within an identity framework (pp. 122–123 and 159–170). For a further theoretical discussion of stereotyping, see chapter 3 below.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- 20.See L. Cafagna, “Italy 1830–1914,” in C. Cipolla (ed.), The Fontana Economic History of Europe, Vol. IV, The Emergence of Industrial Societies, Part One (London, Collins/Fontana, 1973), pp. 279–328 (p. 285): “Propaganda and action for the railways was the most important watchword of the movement for the modernisation of Italy on the model of the north-west European countries.”Google Scholar
- See also T. Kemp, Industrialisation in Nineteenth-Century Europe (London, Longman, 1969): Kemp writes of the “captivating effect” of the railways “on the minds of public men, entrepreneurs, bankers and middle-class investors” (p. 168). One example of the train used as a mobile platform of civilization from which to view the national outlands is the series of articles by N. Trevellini published in the Illustrazione Italiana from June 7, 1874 and called “Lungo le ferrovie meridionali”: “even here progress has opened its breach by using that formidable cannon, the locomotive!” (August 2, 1874, p. 84).Google Scholar
- 22.For a stimulating history of the South, see P. Bevilacqua, Breve storia dell’Italia meridionale dall’Ottocento a oggi (Rome, Donzelli, 1993).Google Scholar
- 23.On approaches to the problem of regional diversity before and after unification, see G. Talamo, “Diversità e squilibri regionali nella cultura politica del Risorgimento,” in De Sanctis politico e altri saggi (Rome, Editrice De Santis, 1969), pp. 115–156.Google Scholar
- 25.Paolo Alatri quoted in M. Petrusewicz, Come il meridione divenne una Questione. Rappresentazioni del Sud prima e dopo il Quarantotto (Catanzaro, Rubbettino, 1998), p. 158.Google Scholar
- 26.See also chapter 2, “Representing and Ruling the South in the Piedmontese Political Correspondence of 1860–61,” N. Moe, Representing the South in Post-Unification Italy, c. 1860–1880 (Johns Hopkins University Doctoral Thesis, 1994), pp. 101–173.Google Scholar
- 29.See G. Manacorda, “Crispi e la legge agraria per la Sicilia,” in Il movimento reale e la coscienza inquieta. L’Italia liberale e il socialismo e altri scritti tra storia e memoria (Milan, FrancoAngeli, 1992), pp. 15–84.Google Scholar
- 30.M. Barbagli, Disoccupazione intellettuale e sistema scolastico in Italia (1859–1973) (Bologna, Il Mulino, 1974), pp. 140ff is useful on the North-South dualism in education. Barbagli identifies “an inverse relation between the economy and education” in the South for pupils aged 15 to 21 (p. 143).Google Scholar
- 31.On malaria and the South, see F. M. Snowden, “‘Fields of Death’: Malaria in Italy, 1861–1962,” Modern Italy, 4 (1) 1999, 25–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- For another recent summary of these debates, see A. M. Banti, Storia della borghesia italiana. L’età liberale (Rome, Donzelli, 1996), pp. 93–96.Google Scholar
- 33.For recent reformulations of this point, see S. Lanaro, “Le élites settentrionali e la storia italiana,” Meridiana, 16, 1993, 19–39, and Gribaudi, “Images of the South,” pp. 90–92.Google Scholar
- 35.I owe these points to M. Meriggi, Breve storia dell’Italia settentrionale dall’Ottocento a oggi (Rome, Donzelli, 1996), pp. 3–37.Google Scholar
- For introductory surveys, see also: P. Craveri, “Un nuovo meridionalismo,” La Rivista dei Libri, 1, 1993, 11–13;Google Scholar
- and R. Romanelli, “Esiste il Mezzogiorno?” La Rivista dei Libri, 5, 1993, 26–28.Google Scholar
- 37.M. Petrusewicz, Latifondo. Economia morale e vita materiale in una periferia dell’Ottocento (Venice, Marsilio, 1989); and “The demise of latifondismo,” in Lumley and Morris (eds.), The New History of the Italian South, pp. 20–41.Google Scholar
- 39.C. Donzelli, “Mezzogiorno tra ‘questione’ e purgatorio. Opinione comune, immagine scientifica, strategie di ricerca,” Meridiana, 9, 1990, 13–53 (p. 19, p. 35).Google Scholar
- 40.E. W. Said, Orientalism (Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1978), p. 20.Google Scholar
- The interpolations are mine: Said is obviously referring to the Orient. The ethnocentric discourse of Orientalism, as understood by Said, bears some similarities to the representations of the Mezzogiorno studied here. I would, however, take my distance from Said on a number of theoretical grounds, chiefly relating to the way in which he fails to analyze the difficult construction of the position of the western observer, or of ideas of the West, in the process of representing the Orient. The best critiques of Said are: J. Clifford, “On Orientalism,” in The Predicament of Culture. Twentieth Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1988), pp. 255–276;Google Scholar
- H. Bhabha, “The other question: Stereotype, discrimination and the discourse of colonialism,” The Location of Culture (London, Routledge, 1994), pp. 66–84;Google Scholar
- and R. Young, White Mythologies. Writing History and the West (London, Routledge, 1990), pp. 119–140.Google Scholar
- Said’s understanding of the mediating function of orientalist categories is discussed below in chapter 3. For a recent interpretation of representations of the Mezzogiorno based on an uncritical transposition of Said’s thesis into the Italian context, see J. Schneider, “Introduction: the dynamics of neo-orientalism in Italy (1848–1995),” in J. Schneider (ed.), Italy’s “Southern Question”: Orientalism in One Country (Oxford and New York, Berg, 1998), pp. 1–23. For further discussion of this book, see my “Many Souths: Many Stereotypes,” Modern Italy 4 (1) 1999, 79–86.Google Scholar
- 41.R. Romanelli, L’Italia liberale (1860–1900) (Bologna, Il Mulino, 1979), contains a useful statistical appendix.Google Scholar
- 42.On popular education in Italy see D. Bertoni Jovine, Storia dell’educazione popolare in Italia (Bari, Laterza, 1965), especially pp. 148–167.Google Scholar
- On the limits of policy and practice after unification with regard to literacy, see also G. Vigo, “Gli italiani alla conquista dell’alfabeto,” in S. Soldani and G. Turi (eds.), Fare gli italiani. Scuola e cultura nell’Italia contemporanea. 1. La nascita dello Stato nazionale (Bologna, Il Mulino, 1993), pp. 37–66.Google Scholar
- 43.G. Candeloro, Storia dell’Italia moderna, Vol. V, La costruzione dello stato unitario1860–1871 (Milan, Feltrinelli, 1978), p. 27.Google Scholar
- 44.B. Tobia, Una patria per gli italiani. Spazi, itinerari, monumenti nell’Italia unita (1870–1900) (Rome and Bari, Laterza, 1991), esp. pp. 114–129.Google Scholar
- 45.A. Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence, Vol. II of A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism (Cambridge, Polity, 1985), p. 219.Google Scholar
- 46.See, for example, S. Woolf, A History of Italy 1700–1860. The social constraints of political change (London, Methuen, 1979), p. 331.Google Scholar
- The best short analysis of the Risorgimento is L. Riall, The Italian Risorgimento: State, society and national unification (Routledge, London, 1994).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- 47.For the key role of questions of law and order in these relations see J. A. Davis, Conflict and Control: Law and Order in Nineteenth-Century Italy (London, Macmillan, 1988), pp. 262–289.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- See also L. Riall, “Elite resistance to state formation: the case of Italy,” in M. Fulbrook (ed.), National Histories and European History (London, UCL Press, 1993), pp. 46–68.Google Scholar
- 48.For some recent work in this area see, for example, the chapter “Le strutture elementari della clientela” in Emilio Franzina’s La transizione dolce. Storie del Veneto tra ‘800 e ‘900 (Verona, Cierre, 1991), pp. 105–170, and L. Musella, Individui, amici, clienti. Relazioni personali e circuiti politici in Italia meridionale tra Otto e Novecento (Bologna, Il Mulino, 1994). See also Banti, Storia della borghesia italiana, esp. pp. 23–49 and 181–212.Google Scholar
- 49.See G. Galasso, “Le forme del potere, classi e gerarchie sociali,” in Storia d’Italia, Vol. I, I caratteri originali (Turin, Einaudi, 1972), pp. 401–599 (pp. 549–52), especially on the prefects’ role in this process.Google Scholar
- 50.M. Meriggi, “The Italian ‘Borghesia,’” in J. Kocka and A. Mitchell (eds.), Bourgeois Society in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Oxford, Berg, 1993), pp. 423–438.Google Scholar
- 51.The figures are from Barbagli, Disoccupazione intellettuale, p. 65. On lawyers in Liberal Italy see H. Siegrist, “Gli avvocati nell’Italia del XIX secolo. Provenienza e matrimoni, titolo e prestigio,” Meridiana, 14, 1992, 145–181.Google Scholar
- 52.Recent work on the Italian bourgeoisie includes the following texts. A. Lyttelton, “The middle classes in Liberal Italy,” in J. A. Davis and P. Ginsborg (eds.), Society and Politics in the Age of the Risorgimento. Essays in honour of Denis Mack Smith (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 217–250 is an interesting sketch of the middle classes of Liberal Italy that, in focusing on professional rather than capitalist groups, is substantially compatible with Meriggi’s analysis.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- For stimulating assessments of some recent work on the Italian bourgeoisie, see R. Romanelli, “Borghesi d’Italia,” La Rivista dei Libri, 1, 1993, 29–32,Google Scholar
- and A. Lyttelton et al., “Élites, famiglie, strategie imprenditoriali: Macry e Banti sull’Ottocento italiano,” Meridiana, 6, 1989, 231–259.Google Scholar
- 53.For all the differences between them, E. J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1990)Google Scholar
- and E. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford, Blackwell, 1983) have had a considerable influence, in the UK as in Italy, in spreading this model of the nation.Google Scholar
- 55.W. B. Gallie, “Essentially contested concepts,” Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, vol. LVI, 1955–1956, 167–199.Google Scholar
- 59.G. Bollati, “L’italiano,” in R. Romano and C. Vivanti (eds.), Storia d’Italia, I caratteri originali, vol. II, 951–1022, (Turin, Einaudi, 1972), p. 958.Google Scholar
- 62.On stereotypes in the historical process of forming national identity in France, see E. Weber, “Of stereotypes and of the French,” Journal of Contemporary History, 25 (2–3) 1990, 169–203 (pp. 180–181).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- 63.Emilio De Marchi, Demetrio Pianelli (Milan, Mondadori, 1979), p. 336.Google Scholar
- 65.See some of the texts anthologized in and quoted in the introduction to A. Mozzillo, Viaggiatori stranieri nel Sud (Edizioni di comunità, Milan, 1964).Google Scholar
- See also: C. De Seta, “L’Italia nello specchio del Grand Tour,” in C. De Seta (ed.), Storia d’Italia, Annali 5, “Il paesaggio” (Turin, Einaudi, 1982), pp. 125–263;Google Scholar
- N. Moe, “Imagining the South,” chapter 1 of Representing the South in Post-Unification Italy, c. 1860–1880 (Johns Hopkins University Doctoral Thesis, 1994), pp. 1–100;Google Scholar
- J. Pemble, The Mediterranean Passion. Victorians and Edwardians in the South (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1988); and Gribaudi, “Images of the South.”Google Scholar
- 66.A. Recupero, “La Sicilia all’opposizione (1848–74),” in M. Aymard and G. Giarrizzo (eds.), Storia d’Italia. Le regioni dall’Unità a oggi. La Sicilia (Turin, Einaudi, 1987), pp. 39–85.Google Scholar
- 69.C. Duggan, Fascism and the Mafia (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1989) includes a history of the instrumentalization of the idea of the mafia by the postunification state (pp. 15–91).Google Scholar
- 70.For a fine introductory survey of stereotypes of the South since unification, see Gribaudi, “Images of the South.” The article is nonetheless limited predominantly to revealing misrepresentations in political and social scientific discourse. Giuseppe Giarrizzo produces an extraordinarily erudite and suggestive reading of certain myths of Sicily as a historical and cultural anomaly in his introduction to M. Aymard and G. Giarrizzo (eds.), Storia d’Italia. Le regioni dall’Unità a oggi. La Sicilia (Turin, Einaudi, 1987), pp. xix–lvii.Google Scholar