World America (1918–Present)

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Quoted in Victoria de Grazia, Irresistible Empire: America’s Advance through Twentieth-Century Europe (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005), p. 75.Google Scholar

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See, for instance, Richard Rosecrance, America as an Ordinary Power: U.S. Foreign Policy and the Future (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1976).Google Scholar

Quoted in Michael Nelson (ed.), The Evolving Presidency (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1999), pp. 222–23.Google Scholar

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Quoted in Paul Hollander, Anti-Americanism: Critiques at Home and Abroad 1965–1990 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 407.Google Scholar

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For instance, Emmanuel Todd, Après l’Empire: Essai sur la decomposition du systeme americain (Paris: Gallimard, 2002). Also see the study ofGoogle Scholar

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See the immensely influential study by Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston: Little, Brown, 1963).Google Scholar

See Ronald Inglehart, Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic, and Political Change in 43 Societies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997).Google Scholar

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See, for instance, Ronald Inglehart and Wayne E. Baker, “Modernization’s Challenge to Traditional Values: Who’s Afraid of Ronald McDonald” The Futurist 35 (2001): 16–21.Google Scholar

Matthias Politycki, “The American Dead End of German Literature,” in Agnes Mueller (ed.), German Pop Culture: How “American” Is It? (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002), pp. 133–40.Google Scholar

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Quoted in Jean-François Revel, Anti-Americanism, trans. Diarmid Cammell (San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2000), p. 110.Google Scholar

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The scandalized remark is excised from published versions of the lecture. The original statement is quoted in Tom Rockmore, Heidegger and French Philosophy (London: Routledge, 1995), p. 150.Google Scholar

Quoted in Philippe Roger, The American Enemy: A Story of French Anti-Americanism, trans. Sharon Bowman (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), p. 376.Google Scholar

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This is not to deny that some insightful Europeans, like Rousseau for instance, discerned lurking barbarism without the aid of the American example. See Pierre Saint-Amand, The Laws of Hostility: Politics, Violence, and the Enlightenment, trans. Jennifer Curtiss Gage (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), p. 5. Saint-Amand’s main argument, though, is that the philosophes in general blinded themselves to the barbaric potential in their own civilization.Google Scholar

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I refer to the same optimists I mentioned in the first chapter: Niall Ferguson, Colossus: The Price of America’s Empire (New York: Penguin, 2004); andGoogle Scholar

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Quoted in Bruce Detwiler, Nietzsche and the Politics of Aristocratic Radicalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), p. 99.Google Scholar

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